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This article tests multifactor explanations for variance among Chinese citizens' attitudes to two related but separable party system concepts: the appropriateness of the current one-party system for China today, and the more abstract notion that multiple parties lead to chaos. Using data from The China Survey, conducted with a nationwide sample in 2008, the authors find that feelings of satisfaction with life and with the government contribute more to the explanation of support for China's current one-party system, while more general attitudes concerning competition relate more strongly to judgments directed at the abstraction of multipartyism. The data also reveal that while a bare majority of those expressing an opinion accept the argument that multiple parties necessarily bring chaos, the vast majority support the one-party regime for China, suggesting that even if Chinese citizens were to adopt more pro-democratic attitudes, rejection of the current one-party rule would not necessarily follow. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

Previous research on political representation mainly focused on representatives but has overlooked individuals' sense of inclusion within the greater group: the nation. Building on narrative theory, we propose a novel mechanism that fosters a feeling of political representation—a similarity between individuals' personal-national stories and the collective-national metanarrative of the polity. Metanarratives are shared dominant stories that present a community with desirable social conventions. While they seek to represent the nation, metanarratives are not entirely inclusive and do not appeal to all citizens. We argue that individuals who do internalize the metanarrative feel more represented. To demonstrate our theoretical expectations, we use election surveys and constitutive texts to capture national stories and metanarratives. We find that indeed respondents whose national story is closer to a nation's metanarrative feel more represented by the political system.

AbstractThe article examines the process whereby government and business elites have driven the expansion of London airports, particularly via the mode of the establishment of an 'independent' commission, the Davies Commission (2012–2015). It addresses the strategic framing of airports planning, including the role of National Policy Statements, and the nature of the consideration of the planning applications for consent to develop. Temporal and geographical dimensions are analysed, showing how central to the UK state project is the expansion of the southern English / Greater London core, with associated infrastructure geographies. It concludes that corporate and state power may well achieve the desired expansion of airport capacity in the London region, overriding environmental and other non‐commercial considerations. However, there are tensions in the dominant state and business model, given an apparent commitment to carbon emissions reduction and other air quality goals, as well as to minimising the costs to the public sector which airport expansion is likely to generate.

The article analyzes the problems associated with the understanding of state power, as well as theoretical and methodological innovations and research tools used in the study of this political and legal phenomenon. The authors analyze various directions of the legal, political and socio-cultural definition of state power, identify and discuss various dimensions and levels in the conceptualization of the latter. In the context of the paper, the government is as a complex political and legal phenomenon, considered as a specific type of general system of public authority, which is implemented by various political subjects, which have a rigid link to the socio-cultural and territorial space.

"Looking more closely at the way people form expectations about the possible outcome of the election in their electoral district I will provide an evidence for the first time that strategic voting can be observed and predicted even in PR systems with large districts magnitudes, such as in Portugal. Employing district-level data from 1975-2002 I estimate that a party, who is expected to win no seat, will be strategically deserted on average by about 3 per cent of the voters. This number does systematically vary with the district magnitude of each district. Nevertheless even in Portugal's largest electoral district, Lisbon, strategic voting can be observed to have a systematic impact on parties vote shares. Moreover there is evidence that strategic voting can partly account for the majoritarian trend that can be observed within the Portuguese party system." (author's abstract)

The analysis developed attempts to present a preliminary exploration for the development of an economic theory of political systems. Using the tools of economic theory, it tries to discover the expected differences among political systems, as well as to identify some of the necessary conditions for the emergence of a particular kind of political system. The study is restricted to the particular cases of representative democracy and dictatorship. It is assumed that any society consists of three rational behaving groups of individuals: citizens, politicians and bureaucrats. Each is assumed to have a separate preference function, as well as different constraints for utility maximization. The question then is: how do political institutions constrain individual choices, and how does the set of political constraints vary with political systems. To answer these questions some relevant constraints are identified and their variations with political systems analyzed. The identified constraints are: (a) the political constitutions, (b) the size of the dominant coalition, (c) the probability of overthrow from power and the degrees of freedom available to the head of government for implementing policies that his supporting coalition does not desire, (d) the flows of information, (e) the market behavior of the citizens, (f) the costs of migration for the individuals, and (g) the behavior of the bureaucracy. The theory developed in this study presents a coherent picture of the overall fiscal performance of political systems. It finds out that all the relevant forces considered reinforce the inference that, other things being equal, democracies should be expected to exhibit larger public sector shares in national income than dictatorships. Second, it reaches the conclusion that dictatorial regimes will tend to be more inefficient, from a productivity point of view, than democracies. These two hypotheses are considered in the Appendix, but no attempt is made to test them formally on the basis of the empirical evidence presented therein. Rather, a preliminary survey is provided of some of the data and the consistency of the results is checked against the theory. The formal empirical testing of the theory is left to subsequent research. ; Ph. D.

The article substantiates the difference between political science and sociological approaches to the analysis of political identities of young people. The authors come to the conclusion that the sociological approach in most cases assumes that political identities of citizens are analyzed and interpreted by the researcher as relevant at the time of conducting sociological research as a resource and tool for political selfreproduction of the social system. The political science approach implies that political identities are studied from the perspective of probable and necessary changes in their content, as well as the political risks that may arise in the wake of such changes. In order to increase the accuracy of predicting further political participation of young citizens, it is important for a political scientist to identify how a young person sees his or her personal contribution to the implementation of identity changes, or to counteract them, which life-meaning guidelines (s)he is willing to sacrifice for the sake of participation in politics, and which ones (s)he is not.

On extradition law in Indonesia is based from the fact that since the adoption of the Act in 1979, there have been fundamental changes in the criminal procedure ode in Indonesia, namely the enactment of Law No. 8 of 1981 on Criminal Proceedings and has the ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Politics Rights (International Convention on Civil and political Rights, abbreviated as ICCPR) under Law No. 12 of 2005 which requires Indonesia to immediately adjust its positive legal provisions in accordance with the principles set out in the ICCPR. Considering the purpose of extradition implementation as an effort to support law enforcement process and related to examination process in extradition case which is not different from the stages of case handling process as regulated in criminal procedure law, it is necessary to affirm the concept of extradition as an integral part of the enforcement process law so that the principle of due process can be implemented consequently in the process of extradition implementation.

This paper aims to present a case study analysis of the condition of the electoral system in the Republic of Belarus after more than a quarter of a century of independence. The main purpose of the paper is to explain the discrepancies between legislation and practice. The author intended to note a real situation that dominates the country's political scene in comparison to theoretical establishments. A Constitution of the Republic (created in 1994, with minor changes in 1996 and 2004) is the legal ground of the electoral system, however, procedural details were drawn up in the Electoral Code. The principles of Belarusian electoral code consist of some statements known from democratic models, such as universal suffrage, direct suffrage, secret ballot and equality. There are different types of elections in Belarus but the most important ones are presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite the detailed legal rules for conducting these elections, in fact, the principles of democracy, as well as the internal rules in Belarus, are not respected. Both presidential and parliamentary elections have shown this in recent years. Independent observers for a long time have been alarming about worrying electoral practices in Belarus. It is also worth emphasizing that since 1994, one man has been in power uninterruptedly, and Parliament has in fact a symbolic function. In the source materials, the author used Belarusian legal acts, analyses and reports, press notes as well as scientific papers.

The article considers the peculiarities of the introduction of high moral aspects of the political and social system of the European Union in the national system of public influence on the activities of law enforcement agencies. It is established that the implementation of legislative norms and provisions of the European Union in the legal system of Ukraine is the basis of the European course and further effective application of the principles of state regulation of law enforcement. It is substantiated that the activity of the police is subject to clear regulation both in the member states of the European Union and in Ukraine. Therefore, the organizational and legal support of public authorities in determining the procedure for recruitment, dismissal, receiving incentives for professional tasks corresponds to the principles of civil society. The public and its influence on law enforcement are correlated with law-centrism. It is noted that the influence of the community on the activities of law enforcement agencies is identified with respect for legal norms and regulatory framework. It is emphasized that decentralization, which is being introduced in the member states of the European Union, aims at equal distribution of powers between police bodies and, as a consequence, improvement of public law enforcement communication. In Ukraine, on the other hand, there are similar transformations in the legal framework of civil society cooperation with the police: the idea of decentralization corresponds to the Euro-Atlantic course, which is the guiding one, in the context of shaping state policy for Ukraine. It is pointed out that the process of perception by the police and structural units of law enforcement agencies of the European Union member states of the influence of civil society on the style of their functioning is a process of democratization of the socio-political system.