Suchergebnisse

By studying the political, economical and social realities that played an important role at the civil war, given the weakness of the troops sent from Spain, culminated in the rise of New States and the problems faced by these States reorganizing the colonial order, this article analyzed the independency revolution as a process conducted by a minority who, on behalf of the whole population, looked for their own benefit more than the common welfare. ; Se analiza la revolución independentista como un proceso llevado a cabo por unos pocos que, a nombre de todos, buscaban en ella su propio provecho más que el bien común, revisando las realidades políticas, económicas y sociales que jugaron un importante rol en la guerra civil que, ante las escasas tropas enviadas desde España, culminó con el surgimiento de los nuevos Estados y los problemas que éstos debieron enfrentar en el reordenamiento del orden colonial.

This article analyzes the incidence of social spending and taxation by income quintile for seven Latin American countries, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Absolute levels of social spending in Latin America are fairly flat across income quintiles, a pattern similar to that in the United States and differing from the more progressive pattern of spending in the United Kingdom. The structure of taxation in Latin America is also similar to that of the United States. Because of high income inequality in Latin America and the US, the rich bear of most the burden, whereas the United Kingdom taxes the middle class to a greater extent. The analysis suggests that many Latin American countries are trapped in a vicious cycle in which the rich resist the expansion of the welfare state (because they bear most of its tax burden without receiving commensurate benefits), and their opposition to its expansion in turn maintains long‐term inequalities.

I develop "personalized social policy" as a speculative exercise to examine the possibility that policy makers and service providers, making decisions under conditions of uncertainty, could use genetic information to divide clients into "treatment groups" receiving differential service goods to better meet individual needs or achieve efficiency. Using real and hypothetical examples from genetics and social services, I show how personalized social policy might work and discuss its implications for the practical organization and theoretical justification of social policy. The analysis suggests that behavior genetics could dramatically impact social policy, not by sowing fatalism about change, but by offering specific, practical tools that would reorganize the institutional and professional composition of social services delivery and bolster functionalist rationales for social welfare. Policy analysts should focus on specific ways genetic information might affect policy decisions to prepare proactive responses should the prospect of personalized social policy become a reality.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the distinctive challenges faced by female travellers (Roma, Sinti and Gypsy) in starting their own business.Design/methodology/approachThe paper details a pilot "start your own business" programme that was delivered in Ireland to 12 women from the traveller community.FindingsFour distinct categories of entrepreneurship barriers faced by female travellers were recognised: self‐esteem, traveller identity, welfare trap and family responsibilities.Research limitations/implicationsThe findings are based on just one programme and so no general conclusions can be drawn.Practical implicationsThe paper identifies the successes and failures of the programme, plus it highlights the future steps that need to be taken to bring appropriate entrepreneurship support to traveller women who experience triple discrimination – discrimination as women, as travellers and as traveller women.Originality/valueVery little is known about female travellers in terms of entrepreneurship activity and so this is a significant addition to a very small body of knowledge.

This article examines the link between subnational poverty and the location of civil war events. Drawing on the ACLED dataset, which breaks internal conflicts down to individual events at the local level, we take a disaggregated approach to the study of conflict. Local-level socioeconomic data are taken from the Liberian Demographic and Health Survey. With geographical cells of approximately 76 km 2 as units of analysis, we test how absolute and relative welfare affect the presence and number of conflict events during the 1989-2002 Liberian civil war. We control for neighboring conflict events, distance to Monrovia and national borders, population density, diamond deposits, and ethnic affiliations. War events were more frequent in the richer locations. This may provide better support for "opportunity" explanations than for "relative deprivation" theories of conflict, but we argue that the relative weakness of the Liberian government makes it difficult to distinguish between the two.

Drawing from social movement and organization theories, data from an in-depth comparative analysis of three faith-based community development organizations (FBCDOs) in the United States are examined as a form of cooperative collective action. The diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames produced by each organization, and the role these frames play in developing and maintaining relationships with the state, are detailed. These collective action frames (1) link sectarian religious values to broad community development goals, and (2) do not fundamentally challenge the prevailing economic and political systems. Empirically, the findings clarify important issues and dynamics related to emerging movements, the modern welfare state, and church-state relations by specifying how values, beliefs, and structural location shape the actions of FBCDOs engaged in state-sponsored religious social service provision. Theoretically, it demonstrates the utility of more precise analytical distinctions between types of collective action and suggests new directions for research on movements for change.

Neorepublicanism may be defined as the attempt by current political scientists, philosophers, historians, lawyers, and others to draw on a classical republican tradition in the development of an attractive public philosophy intended for contemporary purposes. Three main ideas have been especially prominent in the neorepublican literature. First and most important is the conception of a free person as one who does not live under the arbitrary will or domination of others. Second is the associated conception of a free state as one that attempts to promote the freedom of its citizens without itself coming to dominate them. And third is the conception of good citizenship as consisting in a vigilant commitment to preserving the state in its distinctive role as an undominating protector against domination. The aim of the neorepublican research program is to rethink issues of legitimacy and democracy, welfare and justice, public policy and institutional design, from within the framework that these basic ideas provide.

AbstractThe prevailing but not unchallenged 'conventional wisdom' in the literature dealing with the impact of globalisation on public spending is that the effects of increased openness can be compensated through the welfare state. Repeatedly, studies have found little evidence for a 'race to the bottom' in taxation or spending. This research note shows that it is premature to conclude that globalisation has no negative impact on public spending. By extending the period of observation into the 2000s, by looking at changes in openness and spending instead of their levels, and by disentangling the effects of openness in the cross‐sectional and over‐time dimensions of variation, this article shows that the association between increased openness and spending is clearly negative. Although the contribution of this research note is mainly empirical, some theoretical arguments are presented, emphasising the long‐term nature and complexity of policy making in the politics of globalisation.

In this explorative study a more transparent picture is given about the organizational powers surrounding the Belgian federal government. The article focuses on organizations within three domains – the state, the corporate sector and the civic sector – and investigates which of them are in the best position to potentially influence the federal policymaking processes out of their relations with the state elite. Therefore a new measure for the political power of organizations within the federal policymaking processes is developed and presented. Next it is analysed from a 'resource dependence perspective' if the involved relations point to a political economical entanglement or to the aftereffects of a pillarized welfare state. I use data of 418 federal politicians and public servants which are connected to 1553 different organizations (Belgian Bulletin of Acts, Orders and Decrees, 12 August 2005). Variance analyses show that pillarization still plays a part within the federal political system.

Drawing from two ethnographic case studies, both from Haiti, this article argues that nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), as intermediaries, "glue" globalization in four ways. First, in their "gap filler" roles NGOs provide legitimacy to globalization, representing alternatives to states fragmented by neoliberalism. Second, NGOs, in the contemporary neoliberal aid regime, can undermine the governance capacity of states in the Global South, eroding the Keynesian social welfare state ethos and social contract that states are (or should be) responsible for service provision. Third, NGOs provide high‐paying jobs to an educated middle class, reproducing inequalities inherent to and required by the contemporary neoliberal world system. Fourth, NGOs, as an ideologically dependent transnational middle class, constitute buffers between elites and impoverished masses and can present institutional barriers against local participation and priority setting. Drawing on recent anthropological scholarship that moves away from reifying NGOs and their professed ideologies, this article focuses on NGO practice.

The authors discuss social selection, stigmatization, and socialization/strain theoretical explanations for the intergenerational influences of parental incarceration on their children. Results with national survey data reveal that net of selection factors, paternal imprisonment decreases the educational attainment of children in emerging adulthood. While this pattern is found across race/ethnicity, the results in combination with disproportionate minority confinement suggest that parental incarceration is a mechanism of social exclusion of these groups. With data on Texas prisoners, the authors further find that about two-thirds of Hispanic fathers and about half of African American and Anglo fathers expect to live with their children and families when they return to their communities. This last finding suggests a broad foundation across racial/ethnic groups for the investment of resources in supporting the rehabilitation and reunification of these prospective families, for the welfare of the children, their parents, and the communities in which they live.

This article offers a new interpretation of the creation of teachers' pensions and contributes to the scholarly dialogue about gender and welfare state formation in the United States. To date, historians have regarded teachers' pensions as a form of compensation much like salary. Established just after the 1890 expansion of Civil War veterans' pensions, however, teachers' pensions represented more than deferred pay. They were designed to acknowledge women teachers' sacrifices and secure their long, loyal, underpaid service in public schools. This study argues that women teachers and policymakers looked to pensions as a solution for social problems emerging from the shift away from the family economy and its informal relations of obligation to a wage economy driven by relations of exchange. Both groups used pensions as a means to negotiate a relationship that incorporated some features of the market economy while introducing new mechanisms to protect deserving women against it.

This paper studies the effects of political factors, mainly partisanship, on corporate taxes in the past 30 years - a period of intensifying competitive pressure in Europe. Extending the Zodrow-Mieszkowski model by decision-makers who have ideological preferences yields the hypothesis that left-wing leaders set higher corporate tax rates. In the empirical analysis, we introduce a sophisticated measure of ideology derived from content analysis of party manifestos into the literature dealing with partisan effects on tax policy. We can confirm our main hypothesis, but we also find evidence that this partisan effect declines in the course of time. Moreover, we are able to reveal that this effect is mainly driven by the legislatures' stance on welfare policies. Finally, we show that a higher degree of government fragmentation, as well as the leadership of a head of state with an educational background in law counteracts the general tendency to lower tax rates.

This report is a part of larger welfare and social policy work agenda which the Turkish State Planning Organization and the World Bank are carrying out collaboratively. The work agenda includes the preparation of a number of conceptualized, and in part of co-authored, analytical studies on topics ranging from examines the equity determinants to investigating the links between poverty, employment creation, and growth. Further, the work agenda comprises a number of human development dialogues for which we are inviting international experts and practioners to share their experiences about social policy reforms with the Turkish government and the wider academic and non-governmental public. This report examines life chances. Life chances for today Turkish people, most importantly future generation, today's children. The results presented in this report show that life chances differ in important dimensions today, and that Turkey could immensely improve its human and economic development potential by maximizing such opportunities.

This paper offers the first formal economic analysis of carve-outs under airline antitrust im- munity. Carve-outs are designed to limit the potential anticompetitive effects of cooperation by alliance partners in hub-to-hub markets, where they provide overlapping nonstop service. While the paper shows that carve-outs are beneficial when the alliance does not involve full integration of the partners' operations on the hub-to-hub route, its key point is that a carve-out may be harmful when imposed on a joint-venture alliance. A JV alliance involves full exploitation of economies of traffic density on the hub-to-hub route, and a carve-out prevents the realization of these benefits. While a carve-out may limit anticompetitive incentives on the hub-to-hub route, welfare may be reduced if the resulting gains are overshadowed by the efficiency loss generated by the carve-out.