Suchergebnisse

Our friend and colleague Rüdiger Dornbusch passed away before he was able tocomplete his book based on the Munich Lectures in Economics that he gave inNovember 17, 1998, at the Center for Economic Studies of Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität.The lectures contain a fascinating overview of the mechanics andhistory of international financial crises showing the breadth and ingenuity of thiseminent scholar. The lectures were lively and provocative, full of importantinsights and observations. Interestingly enough, Dornbusch expressed asubstantial mistrust in the actions of political decision makers, supervisoryagencies and central banks in the game that leads to the crisis and even collapse offinancial systems, and he advocated supranational supervisory actions as aremedy. CES has decided to prepare a transcript of the lectures, which are also available inthe Internet as full length-videos. I am grateful to Paul Kremmel for hisassistance.

Internationale Prospekthaftungsfälle gewinnen im grenzüberschreitenden Anlageverkehr zunehmend an Bedeutung, haben auf europäischer Ebene aber bislang keine hinreichende Regelung erfahren. Die Untersuchung widmet sich der Frage, wie das IPR den Anbieter- und Anlegerschutz auf diesem Gebiet angemessen integrieren kann. Ausgehend von den Grundlagen der Prospekthaftung in Deutschland wird dabei insbesondere auch die Rechtslage in Frankreich und England näher beleuchtet und verglichen.Aufbauend auf den hieraus gewonnenen Erkenntnissen sowie einer Herausarbeitung wesentlicher wirtschaftlicher Parameter, die dem Prospektrecht zugrunde liegen, unternimmt es die Arbeit schließlich, entsprechende Sachverhalte im Regelungsrahmen des Europäischen Kollisionsrechts einer interessengerechten Lösung zuzuführen

The wars and armed conflicts have often resulted in violations of international humanitarian law, and often commit the most serious international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, aggression and genocide. However, only in the XX century the rule was articulated idea of establishing a body of international criminal justice in order to prosecute these crimes and their perpetrators. The first steps in this field have been made by establishing the International military tribunals for war crimes at Nuremberg and Tokyo, and the formation of ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. In the end, The International Criminal Court was established in Rome in 1998 with the aim of justice and in order to give satisfaction the victims of crimes and their families. The aim of the paper was to provide a historical and comparative analysis of the institutions of international criminal justice based on which these institutions de lege lata fulfilled the goals of individual criminal responsibility and justice. Furthermore, the authors suggest de lege ferenda that the Permanent International Criminal Tribunal, in addition to the prospective case, also takes over the current ICTY and ICTR cases.

While the study of games and gaming has increased in International Relations in recent years, a corresponding exploration of play has yet to be developed in the field. While play features in several key areas – including game theory, videogames and popular culture, and pedagogical role-plays and simulations – little work has been done to analyse its presence in, and potentials for, the discipline. The aim of this article is to introduce the study of play to IR. It does this by demonstrating that play is political, and that it is at work across the global arena. Drawing on the deconstructive tradition associated with Jacques Derrida, its core contribution is a theorisation of play. The central argument developed is that play is (auto)deconstructive. By this I mean (1) that play precipitates an unravelling of any attempt at its conceptualisation, and (2) that this illustrates the value of a deconstructive approach to international theory. This claim is substantiated through an analysis of four key binary oppositions derived from Johan Huizinga's Homo Ludens. Having shown how play powerfully deconstructs its own conceptual foundations, I argue that a playful approach offers a robust challenge to entrenched assumptions in international theory.

Envisioning an international public order means envisioning an order sustained by a legal and institutional framework that ensures effective collective action with a view to defending fundamental values of the international community and to solving common global problems, in line with the universalist vision of international law. Envisioning the construction of an international public order means considering that this framework, which embraces and promotes the respect for human rights focused particularly on human dignity, is consolidating and evolving based on the International Criminal Court (ICC). The establishment of the ICC added an international punitive perennial facet to international humanitarian law and international human rights law and linked justice to peace, to security and to the well-being of the world, reaffirming the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations (UN). Nevertheless, the affirmation process of an international criminal justice by punishing those responsible for the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, faces numerous obstacles of political and normative character. This article identifies the central merits of the Rome Statute and ICC's practice and indicates its limitations caused by underlying legal-political tensions and interpretive questions relating to the crime of aggression and crimes against humanity. Finally, the article argues for the indispensability of rethinking the jurisdiction of the ICC, defending the categorization of terrorism as an international crime, and of articulating its mission with the "responsibility to protect", which may contribute to the consolidation of the ICC and of international criminal law and reinforce its role in the construction of an effective international public order.