Suchergebnisse

This review sought to understand what is currently known about how the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and restrictive measures are affecting food security and equality between women and men in all of Africa. A review of both the academic and grey literature was performed by following PRISMA guidelines. Results showed that a general disparity exists in gender-inclusive/-sensitive research. Most reported increases in inequalities between women and men were predictive only. Evidence-based articles found were mainly conducted online and target tertiary educated populations, among which neutral effects were found. A general lack of disaggregated data (e.g., women vs. men) was found to be a barrier in gaining a complete understanding of the situation on-the-ground. Furthermore, documents reporting on food security seldom included all four pillars (i.e., availability, access, utility, stability) in their analysis despite the reciprocal connection between them all. Within household disparities and the impacts on power relationships within households were also overlooked. Future studies must focus on rural settings and gender disaggregated interview processes as well as consider all pillars of food security. Doing so will help to better inform governments and humanitarian groups leading to better designed policies and social supports that target where they are most needed.

In this article, we engage with contemporary debates about South-South regionalism as spaces to advance collective development agendas. Our starting point is recent scholarship emphasizing regions as important political spaces where new development possibilities are being conceived in a changing global order. We build upon the emphasis this literature places on regions as sites of policy innovation but argue that insufficient attention has been paid to regional institutional dynamics. We explore these issues with reference to the East African Community (EAC) and its decision in March 2016 to 'phase-out' second-hand clothing imports, a decision which was soon abandoned by the majority of EAC states (the exception being Rwanda), following opposition from the US. While the EAC served as a crucial forum to conceive and promote this policy, we argue that its institutional foundations proved insufficient to produce the level of regional coordination necessary to ensure its implementation and to withstand external pressure. In this way, we also challenge the prevailing logic that portrays regional institutions in Africa as 'empty spaces' by both demonstrating the role of the EAC as a site of policy development and its institutional dynamics in shaping political outcomes.

In this article, we engage with contemporary debates about South-South regionalism as spaces to advance collective development agendas. Our starting point is recent scholarship emphasizing regions as important political spaces where new development possibilities are being conceived in a changing global order. We build upon the emphasis this literature places on regions as sites of policy innovation but argue that insufficient attention has been paid to regional institutional dynamics. We explore these issues with reference to the East African Community (EAC) and its decision in March 2016 to 'phase-out' second-hand clothing imports, a decision which was soon abandoned by the majority of EAC states (the exception being Rwanda), following opposition from the US. While the EAC served as a crucial forum to conceive and promote this policy, we argue that its institutional foundations proved insufficient to produce the level of regional coordination necessary to ensure its implementation and to withstand external pressure. In this way, we also challenge the prevailing logic that portrays regional institutions in Africa as 'empty spaces' by both demonstrating the role of the EAC as a site of policy development and its institutional dynamics in shaping political outcomes.

The case method has made inroads as a pedagogical tool that can sharpen students' analytical skills and better prepare them for the reality awaiting them professionally. Despite its deep-seated origins in the West, the case method remains underused in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The purpose of this study is to explore the main challenges that MENA business higher education institutions face in effecting case-based learning and the key initiatives that may help in addressing them. Building on our extensive experience with case studies production and teaching in the MENA context, and a pioneering exploratory research involving 40 instructors, students, and administrators from three leading business schools in Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia, we shed new light on the skills and contextual challenges that MENA business higher education institutions encounter when implementing the case method. We also propose a framework that integrates a wide range of initiatives to promote case-based learning in MENA. At the heart of this framework is the "community building" effort advocated as a catalyst to support case writing, teaching, solving, and publishing, as well as the development of a culture conducive to an effective deployment of the case method in the specific MENA context.

AbstractWithin the Special Issue 'Reaching for allies? The dialectics and overlaps between International Relations and Area Studies in the study of politics, security, and conflicts', this article investigates the post-2011 changing relationship between International Relations (IR) and Middle Eastern Studies (MES). The article departs from the assumption that the reading and writing of security in, on and from the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has historically been trapped between the projection of security from abroad and endogenous security narratives. We argue that within the post-Arab uprisings renewed scholarly attention, with studies on security in, on and from the MENA region expressing an all-time methodological pluralism and the increasing and original application of bottom-up and non-military security understandings to regional security, societal and human security are among the most promising notions for transformative dialogue between IR and MES. In broader theoretical terms, we show how the ongoing debate on post-Weberian notions of statehood and post-Westphalian sovereignty point to an already transformative dialogue between IR and MES. The article illustrates this trend with two case studies – on Tunisia and on Iraq – pointing to changing security concepts reflecting changing security practices.

AbstractIn discussions about the connection between migration and the Arab uprisings, perhaps no expression has been more commonplace than "refugee crisis." Commentators have typically invoked this term to refer to Europe's struggle with large numbers of refugees and migrants reaching European borders since 2015. They sometimes also invoke it with reference to countries in the Middle East and North Africa, where the overwhelming majority of the region's forced migrants continue to reside in their countries of the first refuge. But what does "refugee crisis" mean for refugees themselves? I explore this question based on open‐ended interviews that I have conducted with more than 450 displaced Syrians across five continents since 2012. I discuss a major crisis that emerges repeatedly in those conversations, as it does across various mediums of Syrian self‐expression: the crisis of dignity. Weaving Syrians' reflections on dignity together with my own analysis, this essay discourages analysts and policy‐makers from making assumptions about displaced people's concerns and priorities. Rather, I argue, they should listen when displaced people describe and analyze their own experiences, and then work to ensure that those experiences inform policy interventions and service provision.

Refugee access to higher education is devastatingly low. Recognizing the complex barriers facing refugee learners, global educational initiatives are innovating flexible learning models which promote blended online and in-person learning modalities. This article describes the implementation of a five month, online-based internship pilot offered to 21 refugee participants in qualitative and quantitative research methods, through a participatory action research (PAR) framework in five different countries -- Malawi, Kenya, South Africa, Rwanda, and Lebanon. The internship is part of the Global Education Movement (GEM), which brings refugees accredited online college degree and career development opportunities. Through direct engagement, observation of the internship and feedback from staff and participants, we highlight the ways in which the PAR model can serve as a dynamic learning approach to engage refugees in research practice and an evaluative tool of the GEM program. While the use of online learning presented several clear advantages, such as engaging multiple GEM sites simultaneously or insulating students from delayed studies due to the Coronavirus pandemic, it also revealed variations in student competencies across program sites. In this article, we review the GEM PAR internship, its lessons learned and propose recommendations for future programming.

AbstractThe belief that contraceptive use causes infertility has been documented across sub‐Saharan Africa, but its quantitative association with actual contraceptive use has not been examined. We collected and analyzed sociocentric network data covering 74 percent of the population in two villages in rural Kenya. We asked respondents to nominate people from their village (their network), and then we matched their network (alters) to the individual participant (ego) to understand how their beliefs and behaviors differ. We asked about contraceptive use and level of agreement with a statement about contraceptive use causing infertility. We calculated the average nominated network contraceptive use score and the average nominated network belief score. Holding the individual belief that contraceptive use causes infertility was associated with lower odds of using contraceptive (AOR = 0.82, p = < 0.01); however, when one's own nominated network connections held this belief, the odds of using contraceptive were even lower (AOR = 0.75, p <0.01). Our findings show that this belief is associated with lower odds of contraceptive use and highlights the role that other people in one's network play in reinforcing it. Sexual and reproductive health programs should address this misperception at the individual and social network level.

The New Russian in the space of metropolis (examples in modern Russian literature)
The New Russian appeared in the former USSR just after 1991 when the communistic rules collapsed. Firstly, he was considered as a very rich man who obtained his fortune in an illegal way and employed murderers and bodyguards in order to look after his property. Modern Russian writers say that the New Russians have big mentions, the newest models of cars, expensive clothes and cosmetics. They spend their holidays in France, India and Africa and often kill these people who are richer and have more money, that is why their life is not safe, they chase money and take part in the rat race. Now, both in literature and film, the image of the New Russian changed. Authors show him as a well‑educated person who is interested in culture, charity and elegant style of life. New Russians know foreign languages and would like to establish contact with other businessmen. Not only do these people think about their business but they take care of their families as well. They have made great progress as far as their work and behavior are concerned. Unfortunately, they cannot still safe in their own country.

In its Eurasian diplomacy toward Russia and China, India has preferred to engage these states bilaterally and through the Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) multilateral alignments. By contrast, India views the Russia–India–China (RIC) triangle as a less effective mechanism. However, despite its ongoing militarized crisis with China in the spring/summer of 2020, India surprisingly agreed to participate in a meeting of RIC foreign ministers and initiate RIC defence ministers' engagements. India also initiated the revival of RIC summits in 2018. This article analyzes the drivers for India's recent shift toward enhancing RIC. Drawing upon Indian policy statements and alignment documents, the article firstly argues that India generates policy agenda overlaps across RIC, BRICS and SCO, which facilitate forum-shopping. Introducing the case-study of Indian counterterrorism diplomacy across the three alignments, the article secondly argues that Indian dissatisfaction with its progress in advancing a security policy agenda within one grouping leads it to refocus on building this agenda in alternative alignments. This article contributes to conceptualizing multi-alignment management, while providing new insights into Indian relations with Russia and China within multilateral institutions and diplomacy in the era of regime complexity.

© 2018 Ecosystems around the world generate a wide range of services. Often, there are trade-offs in ecosystem service provision. Managing such trade-offs requires governance of interdependent action situations. We distinguished between (1) enhancing action situations where beneficiaries create, maintain, or improve an ESS and (2) appropriation action situations where actors subtract from a flow of ESS. We classified ESSs in order to identify focal action situations and link them to ESS governance types which are likely to strengthen sustainable ecosystem management. The classification is applied to six forest cases in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Our results confirm that ecosystem management, which more strongly supports the provision of public goods and common pool resources, is often under strong pressure to be transformed into systems that mainly provide private goods. This can be partly explained by incentive constellations in the action situations of public goods and common pool resources. Therefore, governance has to be adapted to specific ESSs. ESS governance needs to identify institutions which best fit to different ESSs and to harmonize them for all the ESSs provided by the system. Our approach helps to understand why institutions fail or succeed in maintaining ESSs.

The reality of teaching History in government schools in South Africa is that the subject is many times the "dumping ground" for students not performing well in other subjects. Many learners are not in the subject by choice and are consequently disinterested. Classes are filled to capacity or overfilled - the biggest class I taught had 68 learners. So, naturally, if we do chalk and talk or the textbook marathon, we lose the learners. The challenge is to make History fun, to make it relatable and to get learners involved. It is in this vain that I have used and developed teaching tools that in my view succeed in achieving the above. Evidence of this is that I get a bunch of disinterested learners in Grade 10 and by the time they get to Grade 12, they have been transformed to interested Historians, loving and acing the subject. The results, both in terms of marks and attitude towards the subject, are so good, that my fellow teachers from time to time approach me to ask: "How did you do it? We know the quality of learner you work with, how?" In this article I will share "how" I do it. ; https://upjournals.up.ac.za/index.php/yesterday_and_today/issue/view/144

Intimate partner violence affects 36 percent of women in Sub-Saharan Africa. This paper examines the relationship between decision making within couples and the incidence of intimate partner violence across 12 African countries. Using the wife's responses to survey questions, the analysis finds that compared with joint decision making, sole decision making by the husband is associated with a 3.3 percentage point higher incidence of physical intimate partner violence in the last year, while sole decision making by the wife is associated with a 10 percentage point higher incidence. Similar patterns hold for emotional and sexual violence. When the husband's report of decision making is included in the analysis, joint decision making emerges as protective only when spouses agree that decisions are made jointly. Notably, agreement on joint decision making is associated with lower intimate partner violence than agreement on decision making by the husband. Constructs undergirding common intimate partner violence theories, namely attitudes toward violence, similarity of preferences, marital capital, and bargaining, do not explain the relationship. The results are instead consistent with joint decision making as a mechanism that allows spouses to share responsibility and mitigate conflict if the decision is later regretted.

During health emergencies, neglect of gender experiences and needs can compromise the outbreak response. Ebola in West Africa and Zika in Latin America had gendered effects that were evident during the crises, yet governments and international organisations failed to prioritise a gender inclusive response. There is the same risk of neglecting gender inclusive response and knowledge during COVID-19. In this article we examine the consequence of gender exclusion in health emergency response. We ask where can we locate institutional responsibility to take gender seriously to inform and improve sustainable disease control? This article seeks to address this question by turning to feminist institutional theory to explain why gender inclusion in decision making processes is vital for effective response and post-crisis recovery. We argue that the institutional responsibility to recognise gender within the global health emergency regime lies with World Health Organization (WHO). WHO has neglected to mainstream gender into the policies and practice which they promote for the prevention, detection and response of infectious disease outbreaks. WHO is in a position to support gender inclusion practices but it requires the technical agency to recognise the value of gender inclusion framework to inform outbreak response, financial models, and recovery.