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The editors have sifted through many hundreds of sources to select the essential facts and figures on population, social structure, employment, the economy, public finance, government structures, and political parties from 1950 to the present day. In addition they provide social and economic background for each of countries.

Front Matter -- Copyright -- Contents -- Contributors -- Introduction to the Elgar Encyclopedia of Political Sociology -- 1. Age and generation -- 2. Alienation -- 3. Anarchism -- 4. Authoritarian and totalitarian regimes -- 5. Biopolitics -- 6. Bourdieu, Pierre -- 7. Bureaucracy -- 8. Capitalism -- 9. Citizenship -- 10. Civic engagement -- 11. Civic voluntarism -- 12. Civil disobedience -- 13. Civil society -- 14. Civil wars -- 15. Class -- 16. Class consciousness and class struggle -- 17. Class voting -- 18. Cleavages -- 19. Clientelism -- 20. Coalition formation -- 21. Collective action -- 22. Comparativehistorical sociology -- 23. Comparative political economy -- 24. Comparative political sociology -- 25. Conflict theory -- 26. Constructivism -- 27. Contentious politics -- 28. Corporatism and neo-corporatism -- 29. Decommodification -- 30. Democracy -- 31. Democratization -- 32. De Tocqueville, Alexis -- 33. Discrimination -- 34. Durkheim, Emile -- 35. Economic voting -- 36. Emotions -- 37. Empowerment -- 38. Environmentalism -- 39. Ethnicity -- 40. Ethnocentrism -- 41. Europeanization -- 42. Euroscepticism -- 43. Exploitation -- 44. Extreme right -- 45. Factionalism -- 46. Feminism -- 47. Field theory -- 48. Foucault, Michel -- 49. Framing/frame analysis -- 50. Frankfurt School -- 51. Functionalism -- 52. Gender -- 53. Globalization -- 54. Governance -- 55. Governmentality -- 56. Gramsci, Antonio -- 57. Group consciousness -- 58. Identity -- 59. Ideology -- 60. Inequality (political) -- 61. Institutionalism -- 62. Interest groups -- 63. Intersectionality -- 64. Left/right -- 65. Legitimacy -- 66. Liberalism -- 67. Libertarianism and authoritarianism -- 68. Lifestyle politics -- 69. Marx, Karl -- 70. Marxism and neo-Marxism -- 71. Mass media -- 72. Memory (collective) -- 73. Michels, Robert -- 74. The micro-macro link -- 75. Migration.

Translation of Les contradictions du monde moderne. ; Introduction: The conflict of fact and fiction (1918-1925)--An outline of political mythology.--The economic interdependence of the modern world.--The myth of nationality.--Myth versus reality.--Epilogue; From the polytheism of sovereignties to economic monotheism. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Abstract
Conceptually, advocacy coalitions are referenced in several policy process theories and frameworks to describe groups of actors that share beliefs and coordinate efforts to influence public policy. In the past decades, advocacy coalitions have received increased attention as a concept and a theoretical approach to understanding collective action in the policy process. In this study, we argue that despite its growing popularity, past empirical research has mainly focused on identifying and describing advocacy coalitions while largely overlooking their role and impact as political organizations. Many of the core premises and assumptions about advocacy coalitions hereby remain understudied and untested. Here, we depart from the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) to discuss the political organization of advocacy coalitions by focusing on four dimensions: (1) a basis for engagement in joint strategies, (2) capacity to mobilize political resources, (3) ability to gain influence in policy processes, and (4) perceptions of advocacy coalitions as a political entity. We briefly review the theory and evidence of each dimension and conclude that several core assumptions about advocacy coalitions yet remain to be empirically tested to enable further conceptual specification and theory development within the ACF and beyond. To this end, we propose a research agenda with suggested research questions, designs, and methodological considerations for advancing empirical research on the role and impact of advocacy coalitions in different cases and contexts.

America is unique in that its political institutions preceded the development of a national identity. The American Revolution and drafting of the constitution did not deepen a preexisting national self. Rather, it created a new political framework to which the "walls" of culture, particularly references to a distant past, were later added. Revisiting this moment in American history and the nation's early efforts at identity, Denis Lacorne identifies two competing narratives drawn from a reformulation of America's past, present, and future.The first narrative, derived from the philosophy of the

Понятие политической культуры – одно из ключевых и относительно новых в политической науке. Несмотря на выработку ряда общепризнанных определений данного феномена, не все они могут служить инструментом адекватного исследования его содержания. Цель настоящей статьи – обосновать понимание политической культуры как особой части политического наследия, как качественной характеристики политической сферы жизни общества.

Mode of access: Internet. ; Cover-title: Impartial history of the French revolution.

Diplomacy, international commerce and the academic study of international relations are all based on the assumption that we can cross linguistic borders with very complicated words and concepts in our cognitive luggage. This article studies the complexities of communicating political words and concepts from one language/culture to another, noting that traditional political science has shown little interest in this process or its dangers. From linguistics, however, come two opposing theories: the effability principle defends universal translatability, while the linguistic relativity/Sapir-Whorf hypothesis holds that meaning (particularly abstract conceptual thinking) is locked within the grammatical and semantic structure of individual languages and can be transmitted with difficulty or not at all. After considering these rival positions, we conclude that the translation of political ideas from culture to culture can be more problematic than we have commonly believed.

An attempt is made to establish primary integration as a major variable in explaining citizen involvement in political life. It is argued that a convincing case requires a demonstration that the variable is both empirically important and theoretically meaningful. The former is examined through data from a sample survey of an English city. Theoretical meaning is established through focussing upon the idea of sociable talk as a key factor in reality construction, including the construction of political events as a proximate world available for the interest and participation by the individual.