The incentive for international agencies to promote 'local' peacebuilding is commonly premised on the hope that micro-level interventions can nourish grassroots activism and participatory citizenship. Tracing reconciliation processes across Iraq following the defeat of ISIL provides a window through which to view the transactional relationships between 'national' and 'local' forms of politics, conflict and peace in post-Ba'athist Iraq. This paper focuses on the example of Yathrib, Salah al-Din province, where over ninety per cent of residents were displaced in 2014, and an estimated eighty-five per cent subsequently returned following peace negotiations. The paper uses qualitative interview findings to demonstrate on the one hand that seemingly 'local' tribal solutions are built into national-level 'peace strategies', while on the other, state capture and power politics is infused into the management of apparently parochial disputes. While these observations are not an indictment of international efforts to intervene at the subnational level, they serve to thoroughly 'de-romanticise' the local.
From the abstract: Integration and Dis-Integration or Dis-Integration and Integration or Dis-Integration and Re-Integration can be quite a word play. The Dis-Integration of the former Soviet Union (FSU) in the early 1990s marks a serious and unprecedented development in modern history. It was a break-up of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics into fifteen newly independent states. Hereby, twelve states formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), a structure that was to keep some order over the break-up. Three countries – the Baltics – announced their total independence and declared no will to be part of the CIS. A later Integration or Re-Integration within the CIS is being actively discussed and debated up to now. Several theories have evolved on the future of the region. Huntington's thesis predicts the 'Clash of Civilizations'. He argues that the future battle over world politics will be over religious and cultural factors. Huntington predicts a split-up of the world along religious lines. In turn, Duncan rejects religion to be a factor in the current developments of the CIS. He limits Kuzio's idea of a division between the CIS into 'radicals' and 'pragmatists' among the two groups – the 'Westernizers' and 'Slavophiles'. Duncan concludes that there is generally a shift towards pragmatism in the foreign policies of the member states of the FSU. Disillusionment with the West is widespread. Most important factors that make countries tend towards a Westernist' or Eurasianist' course are linked to ethnicity and conflict. The author views the political regime and economic reforms are less important. Other studies focus more on the relationship between Russia and the other CIS countries. Alexandrova's arguments support the trend towards pragmatism. She adds that Moscow gave up the concept of re-integration, which it was convinced of in the first years of transition. Russia's foreign policy from Yeltsin to Putin shifted from Multilateralism to Bilateralism. Russian capital, invested in the near-abroad, is seen as a strong instrument to influence other CIS states and force them to Moscow's security policy. Another -less recent- study on "Integration and Disintegration" from 1997 by authors of Brown University/U.S. and institutes from five newly independent states gives some outlook over the future ten years until 2006. Base for discussion were four rather extreme and abstract scenarios. Researchers and other experts from the region specialising in politics and security were confronted with the scenarios and asked to discuss and express their views on the future of the CIS. Economics did not play a major role in their debates over the tendencies within the region. In my work I will demonstrate that the energy sector, particularly the natural gas sector, plays an essential role in re-integrative tendencies. Logically, the largest successor of the FSU, the Russian Federation, plays a dominant role. As part of my work I will review prices for natural gas in the CIS. Applying the theory of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) enables me to compare prices internationally. Unfortunately, the data limit allows only a rough comparison. However, it supports trends developed in prior sections of the work. A statistical analysis is not used due to the insufficient data set. The structure of my dissertation is as following: Section 2 summarizes the theoretical framework regarding integration and disintegration, based on findings of the 1997-study by authors of Brown University. In the progress of the dissertation I will illustrate that findings of the latter study are close to reality even today. After explaining the theoretical framework I will outline the hypothesis of my work. At the end of that section I will give an overview of the factors that lead to the disintegration of the Soviet Union. I will then relate the impact on the natural gas sector across the region. It is the outset on which the later work builds on. In Section 3 I will describe the creation of a new CIS market for natural gas on three levels driven by the Russian Federation. Given the fact that the natural gas industries in the CIS are mostly state regulated, shedding light upon the inter-governmental dimension will explain policies and -most importantly- Russia's motivation. What strategies has Moscow developed over the years in terms of controlling this sector? A further look at the inter-company dimension will picture the main players –large corporations- that are producing, transporting and distributing natural gas throughout the region. It will support the tendencies about Russia's role developed in the beginning of the section. That dimension will illustrate the companies' role as the players on the domestic Russian and foreign 'near-abroad' market. The third part of the section will be a basic price analysis, discussing the available data set. Do prices serve to understand evolving market mechanisms and tendencies towards re-integration within the CIS? Section 4 summarizes the findings of my work. I will put together the 'pieces' in Russia's natural gas 'puzzle'. Table of Contents: 1.INTRODUCTION7 1.1Theories7 1.2The Natural Gas Sector8 1.3Countries Covered9 1.4Data9 1.5Methodology10 1.6Plan10 2.ONE THEORY OF INTEGRATION AND DIS-INTEGRATION IN POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES11 2.1Expectations of Experts of the Various Countries12 2.1.1Georgia12 2.1.2Ukraine12 2.1.3Belarus13 2.1.4Turkmenistan14 2.1.5Kazakstan15 2.1.6Russia15 2.2A Cross-Country Picture16 2.3Relevance of the Study Regarding the Natural Gas Market17 2.4Dis-Integration of the Soviet Union and the Natural Gas Market18 3.RE-INTEGRATION OF THE CIS NATURAL GAS MARKET21 3.1Inter-Governmental Dimension21 3.1.1Grouping the Countries21 3.1.2Main CIS – Natural Gas Export Markets23 3.1.2.1Turkmenistan – Iran23 3.1.2.2Russia – South-Eastern Europe and Turkey24 3.1.2.3Russia – Europe25 3.1.2.4Russia – China28 3.1.3The Countries as 'Pieces' in Russia's Natural Gas 'Puzzle'?30 3.2The Inter-Company Dimension31 3.2.1Brief Portraits of the Players32 3.2.1.1Gazprom32 3.2.1.2Itera33 3.2.1.3The Independent Gas Producers35 3.2.1.4The Oil Companies35 3.2.2The Players Acting in the Strategic CIS36 3.2.2.1In Georgia and Turkmenistan to the South and South-West36 3.2.2.2In Turkmenistan and Kazakstan to the South-East and East38 3.2.2.3In Ukraine and Belarus for Access to the West39 3.2.3Restructuring of the Russian Monopoly41 3.2.4Changes with the Reforms42 3.3Prices44 3.3.1Data44 3.3.2Purchasing Power Parity45 3.3.3Russia's Domestic Market47 3.3.3.1A Start to Deregulate Prices48 3.3.3.2Low versus International Prices?51 3.3.4Russia's Export Market to the Near-Abroad53 3.3.4.1Comparison on FSU – Level53 3.3.4.2Comparison with Far-Abroad54 3.3.4.3Comparison with Russia's Domestic Market55 4.CONCLUSION58 5.APPENDIX61 5.1Data61 5.2Literature72
The campaign preceding the elections to the European Parliament in 2014 in Poland was extremely dynamic and active in case of all subjects of political rivalry, regardless of their position on the political market (campaigns of Solidary Poland and Poland Together are prime examples). Even a superficial analysis allowed to point out several regularities: tendency of political subjects to adopt the standard strategy of national cross-party political rivalry, strategic focusing of media on current issues regarding national political rivalry, particularly interesting in the area of communication is adoption of advertising orientation by most of the parties (except Polish People's Party and National Movement) – wherein this advertising activity – in contrast to campaign from 2009 (and the parliamentary campaign of 2011), did not limit to the television, what is remarkable about the campaign of 2014 was the intensive use of all accessible Internet channels: own websites, special websites dedicated to the campaign and the possibilities offered by the social media (Facebook, Twitter, Youtube).
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country.
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 129-157
ISSN: 1467-8497
Barry Shaw, ed., Brisbane: Corridors of PowerMichael Rose, For the Record: 160 Years of Aboriginal Print JournalismJohn Ramsland, With Just But Relentless Discipline: A Social History of Corrective Services in New South WalesTony Austin, Never Trust a Government Man: Northern Territory Aboriginal Policy, 1911–1939Margaret Glass, Charles Cameron Kingston: Federation FathersJohn Murdoch, Sir Joe: A Political Biography of Sir Joseph CookPeter Golding, Black Jack McEwen: Political GladiatorJudith Brett, Political LivesNancy Viviani, The Indochinese in Australia: From Burnt Boats to BarbecuesEdmund S. K. Fung and Chen Jie, Changing Perceptions: The Attitudes of the PRC Chinese Towards Australia and China, 1989–1996Curtis Andressen and Keichi Kumagai, Escape From Affluence: Japanese Students in AustraliaJohn Uhr and Keith Mackay, eds, Evaluating Policy Advice: Learning From Commonwealth ExperienceGlyn Davis, A Government of Routines: Executive Coordination in an Australian StatePeter Beilharz, Imagining the Antipodes: Culture, Theory and the Visual in the Work of Bernard SmithChris Healy, From the Ruins of Colonialism: History as Social MemoryJohn Rickard, Australia: A Cultural HistoryHelen Irving, To Constitute a Nation: A Cultural History of Australia's ConstitutionGerard J. DeGroot, Blighty: British Society in the Era of the Great WarWalter Gratzer, ed., A Bedside Nature: Genius and Eccentricity 1869–1953Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery, eds, A Military History of IrelandWilliam G. Naphy, ed. and trans., Documents on the Continental ReformationAndrew Bonnell, Gregory Munro and Martin Travers, eds., Power, Conscience and Opposition: Essays in German History in Honour of John A. MosesAlex Saranin, Child of the KulaksDon Peretz and Gideon Doron, The Government and Politics of IsraelPaul White and William Logan, eds, Remaking the Middle EastIan Cowman, Dominion or Decline: Anglo‐American Naval Relations in the Pacific 1937–1941Robert Buzzanco, Masters of War: Military Dissent and Politics in the Vietnam EraJames H. Lebovic, Forgone Conclusions: US Weapons Acquisition in the Post‐Cold War TransitionRamesh Thakur and Carlyle Thayer, eds, A Crisis of Expectations: UN Peacekeeping in the 1990sErik Cohen, Thai Tourism, Hill Tribes and Open‐ended ProstitutionRolf Torstendahl and Irmline Veit‐Brause, eds, History‐Making: The Intellectual and Social Formation of a DisciplineP. D. A. Harvey, Mappa Mundi: The Hereford World MapSheila Tobias, Faces of Feminism: An Activist's Reflections on the Women's Movement
WOS: 000411832900001 ; The production of a Z boson and a photon in association with a high-mass dijet system is studied using 20.2 fb(-1) of proton-proton collision data at a centre-of-mass energy of root s = 8TeV recorded with the ATLAS detector in 2012 at the Large Hadron Collider. Final states with a photon and a Z boson decaying into a pair of either electrons, muons, or neutrinos are analysed. Electroweak and total pp -> Z gamma jj cross-sections are extracted in two fiducial regions with different sensitivities to electroweak production processes. Quartic couplings of vector bosons are studied in regions of phase space with an enhanced contribution from pure electroweak production, sensitive to vector-boson scattering processes VV -> Z gamma. No deviations from Standard Model predictions are observed and constraints are placed on anomalous couplings parameterized by higher-dimensional operators using effective field theory. ; ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPqNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERCNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRCNational Research Centre (NRC); CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CERN; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CASChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST; NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CRMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic; MPO CR; VSC CR; Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRSCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; SRNSF, Georgia; BMBFFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISFIsrael Science Foundation; I-CORE; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXTMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSWMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalPortuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia; NRC KI; Russian FederationRussian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRSSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI; SNSFSwiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Cantons of Bern; Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOEUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); BCKDF; Canada Council; CANARIE; CRCAustralian GovernmentDepartment of Industry, Innovation and ScienceCooperative Research Centres (CRC) Programme; Compute Canada; FQRNTFQRNT; Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET; ERCEuropean Research Council (ERC); ERDFEuropean Union (EU); FP7; Horizon 2020; Marie Sk lodowska-Curie Actions; European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d'Avenir LabexFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Idex; ANRFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Region AuvergneRegion Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes; Fondation Partager le Savoir, France; DFGGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; Herakleitos; Thales; Aristeia programmes - EU-ESF; Greek NSRFGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; BSFUS-Israel Binational Science Foundation; GIFGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya; Generalitat Valenciana, SpainGeneralitat Valenciana; Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom; ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada); NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden); CC-IN2P3 (France); KIT/GridKA (Germany); INFN-CNAF (Italy); NL-T1 (Netherlands)Netherlands Government; PIC (Spain); ASGC (Taiwan); RAL (UK); BNL (USA); ANPCyT, ArgentinaANPCyT; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, AustraliaAustralian Research Council; BMWFW; FWF, AustriaAustrian Science Fund (FWF); ANAS, AzerbaijanAzerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS); SSTC, Belarus; CNPqNational Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); FAPESP, BrazilFundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP); NSERCNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; NRCNational Research Centre (NRC); CFI, CanadaCanada Foundation for Innovation; CERN; CONICYT, ChileComision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT); CASChinese Academy of Sciences; MOST; NSFC, ChinaNational Natural Science Foundation of China; COLCIENCIAS, ColombiaDepartamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias; MSMT CRMinistry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic; MPO CR; VSC CR; Czech RepublicCzech Republic Government; DNRF; DNSRC, DenmarkDanish Natural Science Research Council; IN2P3-CNRSCentre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS); CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; SRNSF, Georgia; BMBFFederal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF); HGF; MPG, GermanyMax Planck Society; GSRT, GreeceGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council; ISFIsrael Science Foundation; I-CORE; Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, ItalyIstituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare; MEXTMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT); JSPS, JapanMinistry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT)Japan Society for the Promotion of Science; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, NetherlandsNetherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO)Netherlands Government; RCN, Norway; MNiSWMinistry of Science and Higher Education, Poland; NCN, Poland; FCT, PortugalPortuguese Foundation for Science and Technology; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia; NRC KI; Russian FederationRussian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRSSlovenian Research Agency - Slovenia; MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI; SNSFSwiss National Science Foundation (SNSF); Cantons of Bern; Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, TaiwanMinistry of Science and Technology, Taiwan; TAEK, TurkeyMinistry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey; STFC, United KingdomScience & Technology Facilities Council (STFC); DOEUnited States Department of Energy (DOE); NSF, United States of AmericaNational Science Foundation (NSF); BCKDF; Canada Council; CANARIE; CRCAustralian GovernmentDepartment of Industry, Innovation and ScienceCooperative Research Centres (CRC) Programme; Compute Canada; FQRNTFQRNT; Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET; ERCEuropean Research Council (ERC); ERDFEuropean Union (EU); FP7; Horizon 2020; Marie Sk lodowska-Curie Actions; European UnionEuropean Union (EU); Investissements d'Avenir LabexFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Idex; ANRFrench National Research Agency (ANR); Region AuvergneRegion Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes; Fondation Partager le Savoir, France; DFGGerman Research Foundation (DFG); AvH Foundation, GermanyAlexander von Humboldt Foundation; Herakleitos; Thales; Aristeia programmes - EU-ESF; Greek NSRFGreek Ministry of Development-GSRT; BSFUS-Israel Binational Science Foundation; GIFGerman-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development; Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya; Generalitat Valenciana, SpainGeneralitat Valenciana; Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom; ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada); NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden); CC-IN2P3 (France); KIT/GridKA (Germany); INFN-CNAF (Italy); NL-T1 (Netherlands)Netherlands Government; PIC (Spain); ASGC (Taiwan); RAL (UK); BNL (USA) ; We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; SRNSF, Georgia; BMBF, HGF, and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF, I-CORE and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, the Canada Council, CANARIE, CRC, Compute Canada, FQRNT, and the Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET, ERC, ERDF, FP7, Horizon 2020 and Marie Sk lodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, Region Auvergne and Fondation Partager le Savoir, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF; BSF, GIF and Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Generalitat Valenciana, Spain; the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom.r The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (UK) and BNL (USA), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers. Major contributors of computing resources are listed in ref. [52].
Die Debatte über Fragen der europäischen Arbeits- und Sozialpolitik hat in den letzten Jahren in Europa einen neuen Aufschwung erlebt. Die Verwirklichung des einheitlichen Binnenmarkts und der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion hat in der Europäischen Union ein System von Wettbewerbsstaaten etabliert, von dem problematische Effekte für die nationalen Tarif-, Arbeitsmarkt-, Sozial- und Steuerpolitiken ausgehen. In den letzten 15 Jahren hat die soziale Ungleichheit in den Mitgliedstaaten der EU eindeutig zugenommen. Diese Entwicklungen sind auf verschiedene Ursachen zurückzuführen. Der Prozess der europäischen Integration hat diese sozialen Verwerfungen jedoch zusätzlich stark befördert. Viele Beobachter führen die Krise der EU auf diese sozialen Ungleichgewichte zurück, die die Legitimität des Integrationsprojektes in den Augen vieler Bürgerinnen und Bürger untergraben habe. In Politik und Wissenschaft ist vor diesem Hintergrund in letzter Zeit der Ruf nach einem alternativen europäischen Wirtschafts- und Soziamodell lauter geworden. In den "Schriften der Hans-Böckler-Stiftung zur europäischen Arbeits- und Sozialpolitik", dessen erster Band den Wandel der europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten behandelt, werden soziale Probleme analysiert und auch Konzepte für ein alternatives "Europäisches Wirtschafts- und Sozialmodell" vorgestellt
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In comparison with other Arctic regions, Russia's Arctic is considerably more densely populated. This is the result of a population policy that served industrialisation first and foremost. In the Soviet Union, deportations, subsidised resettlements, and the sedentarisation of nomads were the instruments of this policy. Today, Russia is pursuing other political and economic goals and is trying to disband unprofitable settlements in the north. However, the process of settling people back to sub-arctic zones is encountering resistance. People who were once resettled to the north are still, or once again, living in the region's new ghost towns. Adapted from the source document.
THIS ESSAY CONSIDERS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE ESTIMATING PROCESS, STRATEGIC POLICY AND THE POLITICIZATION OF THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY. IT OPENS WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE POSITION OF THE CIA WITHIN THE ESTIMATING PROCESS BY LATE 1966 AND WHAT CAN NOW BE SEEN AS A DEVELOPING CRISIS OVER ITS HIGHEST PRIORITY ESTIMATES--THOSE COVERING THE STRATEGIC FORCES OF THE SOVIET UNION. IT DEMONSTRATES THE IMPORTANCE OF THIS ESTIMATE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE DEVELOPING DEBATE OVER STRATETIC ARMS CONTROL. FINALLY, IT ASSESSES THE PERFORMANCE OF THE CIA IN THE LIGHT OF THE CHARGES MADE AGAINST IT AND THE PRESSURES TO WHICH IT WAS SUBJECTED.
A critical examination of the educational system implemented by the USSR in the former Eastern bloc, suggesting that communism halted progress in the school system & science education. The Soviets imposed a pedagogical system lacking acceptable morals & ethics, presenting a dogmatic authority-centered model. Reviewed are basic tenets of communist education, eg, collectivism, patriotism, alienation with the past, & internationalism. The importance of promoting free thinking, multiculturalism, social morals, & human rights in future Eastern European educational systems is emphasized.