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Proceeding 200 days and nights the Battle of Stalingrad became a turning point in the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people and in all World War II, it turned back, in the western direction movement of the Soviet-German front when Hitler was compelled to recognize that for Germans "possibility of the end of war in the east by means of approach more doesn't exist". After Stalingrad it became clear to the whole world that war against the USSR for a coalition of fascist aggressors is lost. Defeat near Stalingrad allied Germany of armies cracked the fascist block, having forced Italy, Romania, Hungary and Finland actively to look for contacts with the countries of an anti-Hitleriwste coalition for the purpose of a withdrawal from a war. The developed events put an end to calculations on the introduction in war against the USSR to Turkey and Japan, were decisive incentive of growth of a resistance movement in Europe and Asia. The western allies of the USSR intensified preparation for opening of the second anti-Hitlerite front in Europe. U.S. President F.Ruzvelt called battle near Stalingrad epic. Later it sent the diploma of the following contents: "On behalf of the people of the United States of America I hand over this diploma to the city of Stalingrad to note our admiration of his valorous defenders … Their nice victory stopped a wave of invasion and became a turning point of war of the allied nations against aggression forces".

"Lectures I-VIII . were delivered at Cambridge in the Michaelmas term of 1915; and lectures IX and X are based on those delivered in December last to the Historical associations at Birmingham and Bristol." -- Pref., dated Feb., 1916. ; I. The dawn of the national idea.--II. Vive la nation.--III. Schiller and Fichte.--IV. The Spanish national rising.--V. Mazzini and young Italy.--VI. The awakening of the Slavs.--VII. The German theory of the state.--VIII. Nationality and militarism.--IX. Nationalism since 1885.--X. Internationalism. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Ever since Plato made the case for the primacy of ideas over names, philosophy has tended to elevate the primacy of its ideas over the more common understanding and insights that are circulated in the names drawn upon by the community. Commencing with a critique of Plato's original philosophical decision, Cristaudo takes up the argument put forward by Thomas Reid that modern philosophy has generally continued along the 'way of ideas' to its own detriment. His argument identifies the major paradigmatic developments in modern philosophy commencing from the new metaphysics pioneered by Descartes up until the analytic tradition and the anti-domination philosophies which now dominate social and political thought. Along the way he argues that the paradigmatic shifts and break-downs that have occurred in modern philosophy are due to being beholden to an inadequate sovereign idea, or small cluster of ideas, which contribute to the occlusion of important philosophical questions. In addition to chapters on Descartes, and the analytic tradition and anti-domination philosophies, his critical history of modern philosophy explores the core ideas of Locke, Berkeley, Malebranche, Locke, Hume, Reid, Kant, Fichte, Hegel, Schelling, Marx, Kierkegaard, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Husserl and Heidegger. The common thread uniting these disparate philosophies is what Cristaudo calls 'ideaism' (sic.). Rather than expanding our reasoning capacity, 'ideaism' contributes to philosophers imposing dictatorial principles or models that ultimately occlude and distort our understanding of our participative role within reality. Drawing upon thinkers such as Pascal, Vico, Hamann, Herder, Franz Rosenzweig, Martin Buber and Eugen Rosensock-Huessy Cristaudo advances his argument by drawing upon the importance of encounter, dialogue, and a more philosophical anthropological and open approach to philosophy"--

"Characterized by global war, political revolution and national crises, the period between 1914 and 1945 was one of the most horrifying eras in the history of the West. A noted scholar of modern German history, Heinrich August Winkler examines how and why Germany so radically broke with the normative project of the West and unleashed devastation across the world. In this total history of the thirty years between the start of World War One and the dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Winkler blends historical narrative with political analysis and encompasses military strategy, national identity, class conflict, economic development and cultural change. The book includes astutely observed chapters on the United States, Japan, Russia, Britain, and the other European powers, and Winkler's distinctly European perspective offers insights beyond the accounts written by his British and American counterparts. As Germany takes its place at the helm of a unified Europe, Winkler's fascinating account will be widely read and debated for years to come"--