Suchergebnisse

Peace and conflict dynamics in South Sudan are intertwined with political governance, institutional capacities, and leadership. Nevertheless, in the specific South Sudanese intractable civil wars since signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, territorial and economic governance are also certainly strictly connected to any possible prospect of sustainable peace for the country. As such, after carefully defining these concepts, this article emphasizes that territorial governance in South Sudan relates to boundaries definition and to the division of the national territory in states with a certain degree of autonomy. The issues and divergences engendered by territorial governance are intertwined with economic governance concerns. The uneven distribution of natural resources (especially oil) produces wealth and power redistribution concerns that are at the core of contentious relations between social and ethnic groups. These circles of tensions rapidly degenerate into conflict in a context of widespread poverty, inequality, and consequent social vulnerability. The article defines and illustrates a "good enough" territorial and economic governance framework for the South Sudanese case study.Keywords: South Sudan; Governance; Resources; Territory; Political System.

Since mid-December 2013, thousands of people have been killed in armed conflict in South Sudan. The fighting is entrenched in a power struggle between the main political contenders ahead of elections which were scheduled for 2015. This article examines the violence in South Sudan since the North-South war ended with a focus on the consequences of the introduction of electoral politics. Our research contributes to the literature on state-building and peace-building in war-torn societies, by exploring how the extreme levels of violence are linked to three groups of factors. First, the stakes involved in being part of the government are extremely high, since it is the only way to secure political and economic influence. Second, the actors involved in political life are dominated by individuals who held positions within the rebel groups, which increases the risk of political differences turning violent. Third, the institutions important for a legitimate electoral process, and which work to prevent violence, are weak or non-existent.

Some members of the international community, particularly in Africa, have mixed feelings about South Sudan's independence. Though most view the separation from Sudan as politically legitimate, they fear that the successful secession may have a signalling effect on separatist movements elsewhere in Africa. How valid is the assumption that the "precedent" of South Sudan will encourage secessionist tendencies which may change the continent's territorial map over the long run? And how should one consider Somaliland's claim for international recognition against the background of South Sudan's independence?

In the process of state-and society-building, social differentiation and the emergence of a dominant class are unavoidable. While social differentiation may sustain class inequalities, what matters is how these phenomena are established, attenuated, and ultimately constrained from assuming a destructive dimension. South Sudan's politico-military elite, conceptualized in this article as a "Gun Class," can trace its identity to a violent legacy of slavery, colonialism, and civil war, and uses ethnicity and violence to control state power. Straddling the social, economic, political, and security spheres like a colossus, the Gun Class has influenced the political trajectory as well as the meteoric decline of South Sudan. Fraying into a heterarchy of warlords, and without any indication this situation will likely change, the country may altogether self-destruct. Drawing on the extant literature regarding the emergence of dominant classes in Africa, this article posits that class formation in South Sudan developed within the confines and through a coalescence of the traditional order and that it continues to be determined primarily by relations of power, education, violence, and the organization of warfare.

The breaking of peace agreements and the subsequent perpetuation of civil war in South Sudan are sustained by the failure to adopt broad interventions addressing the many layers of the conflict. An understanding of the multiple causes of the conflict can form the basis for a successful and durable peace agreement. To investigate why violent conflict persists, semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 29 major stakeholders, including conflict parties, mediators, eminent South Sudanese personalities, scholars and civil society leaders. The responses were grouped into five major themes: historical conflicts, estranged political relationships, power struggles, resource control and ethnic violence (not included in this article). The results suggest that estranged political relationships, characterized by fear, anger, bitterness, distrust and the urge for revenge, are born out of historical conflicts that remain unresolved. The ensuing power struggles and ethnic violence are motivated by the estranged political relationships between the top leaders. Dealing with their estrangements, therefore, forms the base from which historical conflicts can be addressed towards lasting agreements and sustainable peace in South Sudan.

Oil has played a determinant role in the economic development of Sudan and South Sudan before and after their separation. The introduction of oil into the Sudanese economy in 1999 has been associated with many challenges, especially those related to export diversification, and institutional quality. Oil dependency increased with the growth of oil share in total exports. Therefore, the secession of South Sudan in 2011 represents a great shock to both economies. This event creates a situation in which the new country experienced a sudden influx of oil revenues. At the same time, the parent country witnessed a sudden loss of 70% of its proven oil reserves. This makes the case of Sudan unique and provides a very rare opportunity for macroeconomists to address the impacts of this shock on both economies. This paper uses the recent secondary data of both counties to analyze and compare the impact of oil revenues transfer on Sudan and South Sudan's economies in the post-secession period. The conclusion of this paper shows that oil loss has created incentives for better economic performance in Sudan. Reciprocally, South Sudan experiences a premature oil dependence that led to export concentration, institutional degradation, and macroeconomic instability.