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Published in partnership with The Intercept.Sen. Robert Mendendez (D-N.J.) is fighting charges that he accepted money in exchange for assisting foreign governments. That legal defense is being paid in part by donors with links to a former terrorist organization, a sign of the senator's need for fast cash.In September, federal prosecutors hit Menendez and his wife with a raft of bribery charges and, more recently, obstruction of justice. (Menendez and his wife pleaded not guilty to the charges.) With a trial scheduled for May, Menendez stands to rack up staggering legal fees. His legal defense fund, according to public disclosures, had already spent $373,223 as of the end of January.Much of the cash in the fund — he has raised over $400,000 — comes from sources one might anticipate. New Jersey and New York donors with various business and political interests in his home state, including the real estate firm led by Jared Kushner's family, have given the fund money. There are, however, many lesser-known donors. One is Ahmad Moeinimanesh, an electronic engineer from Northern California. Another is Hossein Afshari, also from California.At first blush, these smaller contributions to Menendez Legal Defense Fund might appear to come from a smattering of individual donors. An analysis of the donor rolls by Responsible Statecraft and The Intercept, however, shows that about 15 percent of the people who gave to Menendez — including Moeinimanesh and Afshari — are linked to an Iranian exile group called the Mojahedin e-Khalq, or MEK.Menendez and the MEK have a relationship going back a decade. Shortly after the group was removed from a State Department list of "foreign terror organizations," Menendez advocated for the MEK following an attack on its members by the Iraqi government.Menendez's elevation of the group as a viable alternative to the Islamic Republic continued since then. The senator met with its leader, Maryam Rajavi, last May and heaped praise on the National Council of Resistance of Iran, a so-called political wing indistinguishable from the MEK, at a 2022 Capitol Hill event organized by the Organization of Iranian American Communities, a group allied with the MEK."Let me start off by thanking the Organization of Iranian Communities for putting together today's event on Capitol Hill," said Menendez. "I'm thrilled to see so many Iranian Americans from across the country, and I'd like to thank and recognize the National Council of Resistance of Iran for their commitment to elevating your voices, the voices of Iranians inside of Iran and constantly advocating for the freedom of the Iranian people."Moeinimanesh, the chair of OIAC's California chapter, who contributed $2,500, was one of a dozen Iranian Americans with links to the MEK or its affiliates that gave to Menendez's fund. (Neither Moeinimanesh nor OIAC responded to a request for comment.) Afshari gave $1,000. "Giving money to people I think are nice is not illegal," Afshari told Responsible Statecraft and The Intercept, of his contributions to Menendez's legal fund. "He is a man with principle and integrity and I don't believe all of the negative things some media put out."In total, MEK-affiliated individuals made up approximately 5 percent of the total funds raised, over $20,000, by the end of January. (Seven other donors, the National Council of Resistance of Iran, the OIAC, and Menendez's office did not respond to requests for comment.)Responsible Statecraft and The Intercept established links between the MEK and most of these donors by cross-referencing their names with signatories on OIAC and National Council of Resistance of Iran letters and affiliations. Court records linked Afshari to the MEK.Menendez and the MEKMenendez's perch atop the Senate Foreign Relations Committee made him one of the most influential Democrats on foreign policy. He was an attractive friend for Egypt, one of the two foreign governments now accused of bribing him for political favors. The dramatic federal indictment claimed cash, gold, and expensive gifts from Egypt were linked to a weapons sale and the release of a hold on $300 million in aid to Cairo. An updated indictment in January alleged that Menendez also accepted Formula One tickets and other gifts from Qatar in exchange for favors.The sway Menendez held in Washington — and his hawkish stances on Iran — also made him a valuable ally for the MEK. The group had made an arduous journey from its early days as a student-run radical Marxist group in the late 1960s. Anti-monarchists, the MEK fought on the winning side of the 1979 Iranian Revolution but faced a crackdown as the young Islamic Republic consolidated power. Forced into exile, the MEK fought on the Iraqi side of the Iran–Iraq War in the 1980s, giving rise to antipathy against the group inside its home country.The exile in Iraq also brought an inward turn, leading the Rand Corporation to conclude that the MEK, due to its aggrandizement of its late-leader Massoud Rajavi and his wife, Maryam, was a "cult." Human Rights Watch, Rand, and The Intercept have reported that MEK leaders abused group members' human rights.In 1997, the MEK was placed on the State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations for, among other things, its role in the killing of six Americans in Iran in the 1970s and an attempted attack on the Iranian mission to the United Nations in 1992. The designation would last for a decade and a half. Following a successful lobbying campaign by its supporters in the U.S., the group won a major victory when it was removed from the American terror rolls in 2012.The shift in the U.S. stance meant American politicians, including Menendez, could grow close to the militant outfit without controversy about the terror label. Prominent figures were more regularly seen speaking at the group's annual conference outside Paris, casting the MEK and Maryam Rajavi as a viable political force within Iran if the Islamic Republic were overthrown. The appearances were often well remunerated; former Vice President Mike Pence, for example, received $430,000 from the MEK following the end of the Trump administration.Though he had been quiet on the MEK while it was designated as a terror organization, once it was delisted Menendez consistently expressed concern for the group and its members. In 2013, the MEK began a frantic lobbying push in Washington after its encampment in Iraq — the former base from which it mounted military attacks — came under attack from Iranian-backed groups; the Iraqi government, which was close to Iran, was unwilling or unable to guarantee MEK members' security.Menendez, a top recipient of campaign contributions from donors with ties to the MEK, stepped in. A month after the attack, he held up a sale of Apache helicopters to Iraq that were meant to be part of efforts to push back the Islamic State group. Speaking at a 2014 MEK rally in Paris, Menendez said, "I told Prime Minister Maliki" — Nouri al-Maliki, of Iraq — "in person last year that his commitment to the safety and security of the MEK members at Camp Liberty is a critical factor in my future support for any assistance to Iraq."Menendez has continued to address MEK convenings and speaks about the group in terms hinting at accepting its self-image as a government-in-exile. And he is quick to point out that he is a friend to the MEK. In a video message to the OIAC in 2021, Menendez wished the group a happy Nowruz, the Persian New Year, and reiterated his support for their work. "You know, that you have friends in Congress and throughout the U.S. government, as well as a host of international NGOs who will continue to shine a light on these abuses" — by the Iranian government — "and continue to press for accountability," Menendez said. "We will continue highlighting the plight of Iran's people at the regime's expense."Now, Menendez also appears to have friends among the MEK who are willing to help him with his plight — at their own expense.

Among the many voices that have condemned Russia's war against Ukraine are activist representatives of various non-Russian peoples of the Russian Federation, particularly those who, as a result of persecution, were forced to leave their country. For them, the debate is not exhausted by the war itself. It is informed by a developing anticolonial agenda that pushes back against the efforts of the state to abolish memory and institute a revisionist history that buries their lived experience under a cloud of untruths.Some ethnic activists call for the dissolution of the empire, for a recognition of their people's genocide, and for recognizing their lands as occupied by Russia. Expressing such opinions angers not just the Kremlin but also some in opposition circles. Yet this anti-colonial momentum has been building up over decades of political, linguistic, and cultural discrimination and, most notably, a ban on memory. This can be illustrated using the Ingush example, which holds personal significance for the author.Stalinist Era DeportationsEighty years ago, on February 23, 1944, the deportation of Ingush and Chechens to Central Asia began, organized by the top Soviet cadres under the leadership of Joseph Stalin. The grandparents of today's Ingush survived the harsh conditions of the Central Asian steppes and returned to their native Caucasus, providing their children with the opportunity to grow up and their grandchildren to be born among their native mountains, thus preserving their culture and language.Modern Ingush, even those born after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, say: "We were deported." If you ask a descendant of any of the peoples deported during the Soviet era—Chechens, Balkars, Karachais, Crimean Tatars, others—their perception of this tragedy will be equally personal. For the Ingush, deportation is not only the story of grandparents who were left without a homeland. It is also a part of their family and teip (tribal) memory and a significant aspect of their identity. Though younger Ingush were not themselves physically deported, they carry this burden emotionally and culturally. Such wounds inflicted on entire nations are difficult to heal and remain liable to reopening.Coping StrategiesThe experiences of the twentieth century, especially its horrific wars and revolutions, significantly raised awareness of the need to safeguard the rights of minorities and to avoid discrimination and the incitement of hatred based on any group affiliation. The older generations of Ingush, who had endured wars and deportations, understood this need as a result of their own harrowing experiences, paid for in the lives of loved ones. They grasped its reality but chose to use their understanding differently. Two strategies predominated in transmitting their encounter with history.One strategy was not to speak of life in exile. I repeatedly asked my maternal grandfather, who had been deported and then returned, to recount the difficulties he had endured. Despite being only eight years old at the time of deportation, he had vivid memories. However, he routinely avoided answering questions about his life in Central Asia. Only once, when his now adult granddaughter's inquiries became too persistent: he fixed his gaze elsewhere and, gripping the bench beam on which he sat, uttered, with tears in his eyes: "May the Almighty protect the peoples from the torment that we experienced!" This was the first and only occasion I witnessed my grandfather, a stern and stout man, shed tears.Other older people who had also undergone dislocation adopted a different strategy, seeking to share as much information as possible with their children and grandchildren. They deemed it crucial to somehow convey some part of their own experiences. They seemed to be looking for validation that what they had been put through was starkly unjust. An example comes from my great aunt, the sister of my paternal grandfather, the sole surviving member of that generation of the family. She had been born after the arrest and 1938 execution of my great-grandfather on suspicion of involvement in the Bukharin-Zinoviev conspiracy. She was just five years old when she found herself in a cattle car bound for the Kazakh steppes. Life in Central Asia was fraught with hardships. Her mother passed away shortly after their arrival, followed later by two brothers and a sister. The surviving siblings were placed under the guardianship of their maternal grandmother, who had already endured the loss of two daughters and three sons. When the grandmother died, the children were forced to bury her on their own. Their older brother, himself still a teenager, assumed responsibility for raising the younger siblings. As an adult, my great aunt faced further trauma when she and her daughter had to flee the South Ossetians in 1992, abandoning her apartment in Vladikavkaz, a place she could never return to.The pain and trauma of such harrowing experiences cannot be unforgotten. It shapes worldviews and forms an integral part of identity, demanding recognition and a formal rehabilitation process.Yet the Russian state refuses to acknowledge the injustices and crimes committed against entire nations. No perpetrators have been brought to justice, and no meaningful rehabilitation efforts have been undertaken. February 23, which is celebrated throughout Russia as Defender of the Fatherland Day, is marked in black on the calendars of the Ingush and Chechens. Yet not a single federal-level politician ever mentions in patriotic speeches that for these two peoples, it is a time of mourning. Regional authorities, fearing reprimand from the Kremlin, attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable on February 23, organizing both patriotic events with an eye on the state and mourning commemorations for local people.Rewriting History, Denying MemoryWith the recent revival of praise for Stalin's policies and the closure of memory institutes and archives, the Russian state has brought its considerable weight to bear in presenting a revisionist history as official. New history books for the tenth grade now assert that the Soviet government decided to deport various ethnic groups, including the Ingush, Balkars, Karachais, Kalmyks, Chechens, and Crimean Tatars, because of their collaboration with Nazi Germany. Following criticism from regional authorities, particularly Ramzan Kadyrov, head of the Chechen Republic, this paragraph was amended to acknowledge that "the deportation of these peoples was a tragic chapter, and they were indiscriminately accused of treason." However, it is expected that these edited textbooks will be used in classrooms only in certain regions of the North Caucasus, while students in other parts of Russia will continue to be fed narratives emphasizing betrayal and the necessity of deporting these peoples.But the damage has been done: in the face of efforts by deported peoples to have their deportations recognized as genocide, even some well-educated Russians express the opinion that Stalin could not have deported entire populations without good reason.Being Disbelieved Tears at HopeAll of this only compounds the pain of indigenous and small-numbered peoples of Russia. Until a political system exists in which all peoples of Russia can feel secure politically, physically, culturally, and religiously, these minority peoples will continue to fear a recurrence of deportation and displacement. February 24 marks the two-year anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This war and other recent and enlarging conflicts across the globe serve as stark reminders that society has not made much headway in overcoming the grim legacy of twentieth-century history. The dream of changing the discourse around the deportation of peoples within Russia and eliminating group discrimination in the future threatens to remain unrealized.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Among the many voices that have condemned Russia's war against Ukraine are activist representatives of various non-Russian peoples of the Russian Federation, particularly those who, as a result of persecution, were forced to leave their country. For them, the debate is not exhausted by the war itself. It is informed by a developing anticolonial agenda that pushes back against the efforts of the state to abolish memory and institute a revisionist history that buries their lived experience under a cloud of untruths.Some ethnic activists call for the dissolution of the empire, for a recognition of their people's genocide, and for recognizing their lands as occupied by Russia. Expressing such opinions angers not just the Kremlin but also some in opposition circles. Yet this anti-colonial momentum has been building up over decades of political, linguistic, and cultural discrimination and, most notably, a ban on memory. This can be illustrated using the Ingush example, which holds personal significance for the author.Stalinist Era DeportationsEighty years ago, on February 23, 1944, the deportation of Ingush and Chechens to Central Asia began, organized by the top Soviet cadres under the leadership of Joseph Stalin. The grandparents of today's Ingush survived the harsh conditions of the Central Asian steppes and returned to their native Caucasus, providing their children with the opportunity to grow up and their grandchildren to be born among their native mountains, thus preserving their culture and language.Modern Ingush, even those born after the collapse of the USSR in 1991, say: "We were deported." If you ask a descendant of any of the peoples deported during the Soviet era—Chechens, Balkars, Karachais, Crimean Tatars, others—their perception of this tragedy will be equally personal. For the Ingush, deportation is not only the story of grandparents who were left without a homeland. It is also a part of their family and teip (tribal) memory and a significant aspect of their identity. Though younger Ingush were not themselves physically deported, they carry this burden emotionally and culturally. Such wounds inflicted on entire nations are difficult to heal and remain liable to reopening.Coping StrategiesThe experiences of the twentieth century, especially its horrific wars and revolutions, significantly raised awareness of the need to safeguard the rights of minorities and to avoid discrimination and the incitement of hatred based on any group affiliation. The older generations of Ingush, who had endured wars and deportations, understood this need as a result of their own harrowing experiences, paid for in the lives of loved ones. They grasped its reality but chose to use their understanding differently. Two strategies predominated in transmitting their encounter with history.One strategy was not to speak of life in exile. I repeatedly asked my maternal grandfather, who had been deported and then returned, to recount the difficulties he had endured. Despite being only eight years old at the time of deportation, he had vivid memories. However, he routinely avoided answering questions about his life in Central Asia. Only once, when his now adult granddaughter's inquiries became too persistent: he fixed his gaze elsewhere and, gripping the bench beam on which he sat, uttered, with tears in his eyes: "May the Almighty protect the peoples from the torment that we experienced!" This was the first and only occasion I witnessed my grandfather, a stern and stout man, shed tears.Other older people who had also undergone dislocation adopted a different strategy, seeking to share as much information as possible with their children and grandchildren. They deemed it crucial to somehow convey some part of their own experiences. They seemed to be looking for validation that what they had been put through was starkly unjust. An example comes from my great aunt, the sister of my paternal grandfather, the sole surviving member of that generation of the family. She had been born after the arrest and 1938 execution of my great-grandfather on suspicion of involvement in the Bukharin-Zinoviev conspiracy. She was just five years old when she found herself in a cattle car bound for the Kazakh steppes. Life in Central Asia was fraught with hardships. Her mother passed away shortly after their arrival, followed later by two brothers and a sister. The surviving siblings were placed under the guardianship of their maternal grandmother, who had already endured the loss of two daughters and three sons. When the grandmother died, the children were forced to bury her on their own. Their older brother, himself still a teenager, assumed responsibility for raising the younger siblings. As an adult, my great aunt faced further trauma when she and her daughter had to flee the South Ossetians in 1992, abandoning her apartment in Vladikavkaz, a place she could never return to.The pain and trauma of such harrowing experiences cannot be unforgotten. It shapes worldviews and forms an integral part of identity, demanding recognition and a formal rehabilitation process.Yet the Russian state refuses to acknowledge the injustices and crimes committed against entire nations. No perpetrators have been brought to justice, and no meaningful rehabilitation efforts have been undertaken. February 23, which is celebrated throughout Russia as Defender of the Fatherland Day, is marked in black on the calendars of the Ingush and Chechens. Yet not a single federal-level politician ever mentions in patriotic speeches that for these two peoples, it is a time of mourning. Regional authorities, fearing reprimand from the Kremlin, attempt to reconcile the irreconcilable on February 23, organizing both patriotic events with an eye on the state and mourning commemorations for local people.Rewriting History, Denying MemoryWith the recent revival of praise for Stalin's policies and the closure of memory institutes and archives, the Russian state has brought its considerable weight to bear in presenting a revisionist history as official. New history books for the tenth grade now assert that the Soviet government decided to deport various ethnic groups, including the Ingush, Balkars, Karachais, Kalmyks, Chechens, and Crimean Tatars, because of their collaboration with Nazi Germany. Following criticism from regional authorities, particularly Ramzan Kadyrov, head of the Chechen Republic, this paragraph was amended to acknowledge that "the deportation of these peoples was a tragic chapter, and they were indiscriminately accused of treason." However, it is expected that these edited textbooks will be used in classrooms only in certain regions of the North Caucasus, while students in other parts of Russia will continue to be fed narratives emphasizing betrayal and the necessity of deporting these peoples.But the damage has been done: in the face of efforts by deported peoples to have their deportations recognized as genocide, even some well-educated Russians express the opinion that Stalin could not have deported entire populations without good reason.Being Disbelieved Tears at HopeAll of this only compounds the pain of indigenous and small-numbered peoples of Russia. Until a political system exists in which all peoples of Russia can feel secure politically, physically, culturally, and religiously, these minority peoples will continue to fear a recurrence of deportation and displacement. February 24 marks the two-year anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This war and other recent and enlarging conflicts across the globe serve as stark reminders that society has not made much headway in overcoming the grim legacy of twentieth-century history. The dream of changing the discourse around the deportation of peoples within Russia and eliminating group discrimination in the future threatens to remain unrealized.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Are you looking for the perfect foreign policy book to start the New Year right? We spent the last few weeks asking our favorite thinkers what new titles they loved this year. Here are the seven books that stood out in 2023.Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy

By Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman"Underground Empire" tells the story of how America used the unipolar moment to create a vice grip on the international economy, making it impossible for most countries to do business with each other (or even exchange messages) without using U.S. payment systems or IT infrastructure. The world order, once defined by multiple dueling blocs, thus became synonymous with U.S. power.But empire isn't free. As Farrell and Newman note, Washington's constant use of sanctions and spying tools risks alienating other states and potentially bringing down the international system as we know it. Their book is a frightening reminder of the potential costs of overreach and a must-read for anyone interested in grand strategy and the future of global commerce. Ambitious readers may want to pair it with Chris Miller's "Chip War," a 2022 bestseller about America's quest to remain the kingpin of the world microchip industry.Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East

By Steven SimonWhen observing the parlous state of the Middle East today, it's hard to avoid a fundamental question: How could well-meaning American policymakers have gotten the region so wrong? In "Grand Delusion," Simon argues that most of our missteps boil down to a mismatch between pie-in-the-sky ends and limited means, made worse by a conviction that "facts don't matter, only intentions." The biting and well-researched book is made all the more powerful by Simon's long background of government service, including top-level roles in both the Clinton and Obama administrations, where he argued in favor of many policies that he now badly regrets.Simon brings a palpable sense of anger at four decades of American overreach in the Middle East, dedicating a chapter to each of the last eight presidents, all of whom found their own unique ways to leave the region worse than it was when they took office. His book is a must-read for those who want to understand where U.S. policy went wrong — and how to do things better next time. (Simon, we should note, is a senior research analyst at the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS.)The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism

By Keyu JinThese days, most English-language books about China begin from a place of deep skepticism. Government statistics are taken as carefully crafted fictions, official statements as likely lies. What else would one expect as a new cold war dawns?"The New China Playbook" is different. Written by a London-based economist whose father is a prominent Chinese Communist Party official, the book offers a rigorous yet sympathetic view of Beijing's rise. Jin's work provides crucial insights into the complex and sometimes surprising balance that the Chinese economy has struck between different systems. By demystifying China's economy, she urges us to consider a future of cooperation instead of conflict.Some have argued that Jin glosses over the darker aspects of Beijing's government policies. Readers can decide for themselves. But one thing is certain: Her book offers a thoughtful point of view on China that you won't find anywhere else.Victory at Sea: Naval Power and the Transformation of the Global Order in World War II

By Paul KennedyCould any list of foreign policy must-reads be complete without a book about WWII? We certainly didn't think so. Enter "Victory at Sea," a wide-ranging yet page-turning look at the naval activities that defined last century's greatest war from an eminent military historian. Kennedy's book, which features new paintings from marine artist Ian Marshall, narrates the fall of old great powers and the rise of new ones, first and foremost led by the United States.Readers with a limited background in naval history shouldn't fear this book, which is less about the details of each individual battle than the broader trends in geopolitics playing out at the time. Some reviewers have noted minor factual errors emanating from some less-than-ideal sourcing, but all in all, "Victory at Sea" is a helpful and provocative overview of a vital moment in military history. (This one was technically published in 2022, but the paperback edition doesn't come out until next year, so we'll call it even.)A Day in the Life of Abed Salama: Anatomy of a Jerusalem Tragedy

By Nathan ThrallThe book starts with a living nightmare: A truck slams into a Jerusalem school bus carrying kindergartners, leaving one teacher and six children dead. Many survivors left the resulting fire with life-changing burns."A Day in the Life of Abed Salama" tells the story of the father of one of those children. Thrall narrates Salama's desperate efforts to find his son, an emotional struggle made all the more difficult by the fact that the life-long resident of Jerusalem could not legally enter Jewish-controlled parts of the city.The book expands on a 2021 essay in the New York Review of Books in which Thrall interlaces stories about the accident with a crash course in Jerusalem's history. The extra space allows Thrall to dive deeper into Salama's life, in which everything from his marriage to his child's education is shaped by the brutal realities of life under occupation. As war rages in Gaza, this book offers a moving testimony of the more mundane forms of violence that define life between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.Getting Russia Right

By Thomas GrahamSome books argue that the U.S. and Russia are natural enemies, doomed to fight until one side wins. Others blame one country or the other for a laundry list of sins that made cooperation impossible after the heady days of the 1990s. "Getting Russia Right," to its great credit, does neither.Graham combines a realist sensibility with the hard pragmatism of a long-time policymaker, drawing on a wealth of experience as in both government and academia. In his view, structural factors — chief among them the difference in how each side views Russia's rightful place in the world — combined with a series of impertinent decisions by both sides to leave bilateral relations in their current sorry state.By insisting on the agency of both Washington and Moscow, "Getting Russia Right" argues that better-informed decisions could actually lead to better outcomes. And Graham, in his typical style, lays out a clear and specific set of recommendations to encourage such a shift. His relatively short book is required reading for those who feel like one Cold War was more than enough.Beyond the Water's Edge: How Partisanship Corrupts U.S. Foreign Policy

By Paul PillarThere's an old truism that, while American politicians play partisan games over domestic problems, such petty squabbles give way to unity "at the water's edge." Pillar's book destroys this fiction, illuminating how party interests have all too often taken precedence over sober-minded analysis by patriotic bureaucrats. This phenomenon, in his telling, leads to unnecessarily long wars and corrodes our own democracy at home.While "Beyond the Water's Edge" largely focuses on the past three decades, Pillar sometimes reaches further back into U.S. history to demonstrate the ways in which officials have overcome this tendency. But Pillar, who is a former intelligence official and current non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute, is far from pollyannaish: The book recommends myriad policies to reduce the influence of partisanship on foreign policy but deems their implementation highly unlikely. Little wonder that Francis Fukuyama described the slim treatise as an "ominous warning."

As one of America's closest allies, Israel has remained heavily dependent on the US —politically, economically, and militarily—since its creation in 1948.US arms supplies, mostly provided gratis, are channeled via US Foreign Military Financing (FMF), Military Assistance Program (MAP) and Excess Defense Articles (EDA).According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), the US has provided more foreign assistance to Israel since World War II than to any other country.The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) documented that the United States supplied 79 percent of all weapons transferred to Israel from 2018-2022.No one else was even close – the next closest suppliers were Germany with 20 percent and Italy with just 0.2 percent.A Fact Sheet released October 2023, by the US State Department's Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, provides a detailed official breakdown on the unrestrained American security assistance to Israel.Steadfast support for Israel's security has been a cornerstone of American foreign policy for every U.S. Administration since the presidency of Harry S. Truman.Since Israel's founding in 1948, the State Department said, the United States has provided Israel with over $130 billion in bilateral assistance focused on addressing new and complex security threats, bridging Israel's capability gaps through security assistance and cooperation, increasing interoperability through joint exercises, and helping Israel maintain its Qualitative Military Edge (QME).This assistance, says the State Department, has helped transform the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) into "one of the world's most capable, effective militaries and turned the Israeli military industry and technology sector into one of the largest exporters of military capabilities worldwide."In the current war, Israel's overwhelming fire power has resulted in the killings of thousands of Palestinian civilians in Gaza and the destruction of entire cities—mostly with US supplied weapons.Dr. Natalie J. Goldring, a Visiting Professor of the Practice in the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University, told IPS the October 7 Hamas attacks were horrendous acts and should be condemned as such."Even so, the Israeli responses to those attacks have been indiscriminate – intentionally so," she said.Two days after the Hamas attacks, Israeli defense minister Yoav Gallant declared that Israel would carry out a "complete siege" of Gaza, including blocking the supply of water, food, and fuel, while also stopping the supply of electricity. And Israeli forces have done so, she pointed out."The US government bears a special responsibility for the continuing Israeli attacks. It has supplied Israel with massive quantities of military aid and weaponry, and Israel has ignored US restrictions on the use of those weapons".This supply of weapons and ammunition allows the Israeli military to continue its indiscriminate attacks in Gaza," said Dr Goldring, who also represents the Acronym Institute at the United Nations, on conventional weapons and arms trade issues."A key first step in reducing the human cost of this war is for the US government to call for an immediate ceasefire. The US government should also halt supplies of weapons and ammunition to Israel, whether from the US itself or from prepositioned stocks elsewhere."Since 1983, the United States and Israel have met regularly via the Joint Political-Military Group (JPMG) to promote shared policies, address common threats and concerns, and identify new areas for security cooperation.According to the State Department, Israel is the leading global recipient of Title 22 U.S. security assistance under the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program. This has been formalized by a 10-year (2019-2028) Memorandum of Understanding (MOU).Consistent with the MOU, the United States annually provides $3.3 billion in FMF and $500 million for cooperative programs for missile defense. Since FY 2009, the United States has provided Israel with $3.4 billion in funding for missile defense, including $1.3 billion for Iron Dome support starting in FY 2011.Through FMF, the United States provides Israel with access to some of the most advanced military equipment in the world, including the F-35 Stealth fighter aircraft.Israel is eligible for Cash Flow Financing and is authorized to use its annual FMF allocation to procure defense articles, services, and training through the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) system, Direct Commercial Contract agreements – which are FMF-funded Direct Commercial Sales procurements – and through Off Shore Procurement (OSP).Via OSP the current MOU allows Israel to spend a portion of its FMF on Israeli-origin rather than U.S.-origin defense articles. This was 25 percent in FY 2019 but is set to phase-out and decrease to zero in FY 2028.Elaborating further Dr Goldring said: "Unfortunately, the situation in Gaza bears similarities to the documented uses of US weapons by the Saudi-led coalition in attacks on civilians in Yemen"She said: "Our response should be the same in both cases. These countries have failed to honor the conditions of US weapons transfers, and should be ineligible for further transfers until they are in compliance.""US arms transfer decision-making gives too much weight to the judgment of government officials and politicians who frequently fail to consider the full human costs of these transfers," she argued."Earlier this year, the Biden Administration released a new Conventional Arms Transfer policy. They claimed that arms transfers would not be approved when their analysis concluded that "it is more likely than not" that the arms transferred would be used to commit or facilitate the commission of serious violations of international humanitarian or human rights law."The actions of the Israeli and Saudi militaries are examples of ways in which this standard is not being met, declared Dr Goldring.As of October 2023, the United States has 599 active Foreign Military Sales (FMS) cases, valued at $23.8 billion, with Israel. FMS cases notified to Congress are listed here; priority initiatives include: F-35 Joint Strike Fighter Aircraft; CH-53K Heavy Lift Helicopters; KC-46A Aerial Refueling Tankers; and precision-guided munitions.From FY 2018 through FY 2022, the U.S. has also authorized the permanent export of over $5.7billion in defense articles to Israel via the Direct Commercial Sales (DCS) process.The top categories of DCS to Israel were XIX-Toxicological Agents, including Chemical Agents, Biological Agents, and Associated Equipment (this includes detection equipment ((f)), vaccines ((g)-(h)) and modeling software ((i)); IV- Launch Vehicles, Guided Missiles, Ballistic Missiles, Rockets, Torpedoes, Bombs, and Mines; and VII- Aircraft.Since 1992, the United States has provided Israel with $6.6 billion worth of equipment under the Excess Defense Articles program, including weapons, spare parts, weapons, and simulators.U.S. European Command also maintains in Israel the U.S. War Reserve Stockpile, which can be used to boost Israeli defenses in the case of a significant military emergency.In addition to security assistance and arms sales, the United States participates in a variety of exchanges with Israel, including military exercises like Juniper Oak and Juniper Falcon, as well as joint research, and weapons development.The United States and Israel have signed multiple bilateral defense cooperation agreements, to include: a Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement (1952); a General Security of Information Agreement (1982); a Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (1991); and a Status of Forces Agreement (1994), according to the State Department.Since 2011, the United States has also invested more than $8 million in Conventional Weapons Destruction programs in the West Bank to improve regional and human security through the survey and clearance of undisputed minefields.Following years of negotiations with the Palestinians and Israelis, humanitarian mine action activities began in April 2014 – this represents the first humanitarian clearance of landmine contamination in nearly five decades.Israel has also been designated as a U.S. Major Non-NATO Ally under U.S. law. This status provides foreign partners with certain benefits in the areas of defense trade and security cooperation and is a powerful symbol of their close relationship with the United States.This piece has been republished with permission from Inter Press Service.

In an interview with Le Figaro published on August 16 and based on his new book, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy laid out what has been missing from Western thinking on the war in Ukraine: a diplomatic Plan B in case the present Ukrainian offensive fails.


If it does fail, as seems increasingly probable, the most likely alternative to a diplomatic solution is an indefinite and bloody war of attrition along roughly the present battle lines.


Quite apart from the threats of disastrous escalation and a NATO-Russia war described by Sarkozy, Westerners who are or claim to be friends of Ukraine should consider the consequences of an unending war on that country. These include a continuation of dreadful human losses and continued destruction of the Ukrainian economy, with no certainty at all over who will pay to rebuild it. They would also entail the indefinite postponement of the process of EU accession, which would have offered Ukraine its best chance of truly joining the West and the inability of Ukrainian refugees to return home, leading to a catastrophic and permanent decline in Ukraine's population.


In addition to all of this: the possibility that a Ukrainian army exhausted and bled white by years of failed offensives will eventually fall victim to a Russian counter-attack, leading to territorial losses far greater than Ukraine has suffered so far.


This being so, one might think that even those who disagree with Sarkozy's specific recommendations would welcome the chance to hold a serious public debate on ways forward. Instead, the response from the great majority of Western (including French) politicians and commentators has followed the wearisomely familiar path of denunciations of the former president as a "Russian influencer" and "friend of Putin" whose remarks were "shameful" and "shocking."


A survey of Western "news" reports (mostly in fact veiled and hostile opinion pieces) is interesting in this regard. Of the ten top stories about the interview resulting from a Google search, only two focused on Sarkozy's remarks themselves. All the others, in their content and headlines (like "'Shameful' Nicolas Sarkozy Under Fire for Defending Putin" in The Guardian), highlighted and quoted at length the angry attacks on Sarkozy.


What Sarkozy actually said is the following:



"Without compromise, nothing will be possible and we run the risk that the situation will degenerate at any moment. This powder keg could have frightful consequences…


The Ukrainians... will want to reconquer what has been unjustly taken from them. But if they can't manage it completely, the choice will be between a frozen conflict... or taking the high road out with referenda [in territories occupied by Russia since 2014] strictly overseen by the international community… any return to the way things were before [ie Ukrainian rule over Crimea] is an illusion. An incontestable referendum... will be needed to solidify the current state of affairs.



On the question of NATO membership for Ukraine, Sarkozy said that:



"Russia has to renounce all military action against its neighbors … Ukraine must pledge to remain neutral … NATO could at the same time affirm its willingness to respect and take into account Russia's historic fear of being encircled by unfriendly neighbors."


He also described as unrealistic and hypocritical suggestions that Ukraine can join the European Union in the foreseeable future, comparing this to Turkey's hopeless decades-long efforts: "We are selling fallacious promises that will not be kept to."



On French President Emmanuel Macron's previous efforts to negotiate with Putin, Sarkozy said that these had been correct, but that Macron had failed to follow up with any concrete proposals for compromise, partly "due to pressure from eastern Europeans."


Sarkozy asked Europeans to remember that, like it or not, Russia will always remain part of Europe and a neighbor of the EU, with which it will be necessary to co-exist. Therefore, "European interests aren't aligned with American interests this time."


Despite the near-universal vilification Sarkozy's interview has provoked, much of what he said has in fact been stated on background by some U.S. and European officials, and quoted in the Western media. In February, unnamed Biden administration officials told the New York Times that the U.S. goal should not be for Ukraine to retake Crimea (something that they judged both extremely difficult military and a risk for Russian escalation towards nuclear war) but instead to "credibly threaten" the Russian military hold on the peninsula, so as to "strengthen Kyiv's position in future negotiations."


This however leads – or should lead – to the obvious question: Future negotiations about what? Unlike Sarkozy, these U.S. officials and their European counterparts have not been willing to state the obvious conclusion: that if Ukraine could achieve such a military success without actually reconquering Crimea, the resulting negotiations would have to be about returning to Ukraine the territories it has lost since last year, while leaving Crimea (and probably the eastern Donbas, also in practice held by Russia since 2014) in Russian hands.


Nor have they addressed the question of how such a peace settlement could be internationally legitimized. Here Sarkozy has suggested a democratic solution that has also been proposed by Thomas Graham and others, but has been rigorously ignored by the governments of Western democracies: to place the decision in the hands of the populations of the areas concerned through internationally supervised referenda.


At present however — and as the Pentagon correctly in advance warned was likely — the Ukrainian army is still very far from being able to retake Crimea, and will very likely never be in that position. The probable failure of the present Ukrainian offensive is now being widely discussed by Western official and unofficial analysts. Once again, however, few have drawn the obvious conclusion that the result will be a prolonged war of attrition, leading either to an eventual ceasefire along present lines or — possibly — to a new Russian victory.


Even fewer have echoed Sarkozy in arguing that the eventual result will have to be a compromise peace, and suggested what the terms of that peace should be.


As to Ukrainian EU membership, EU officials and analysts with whom I talked in Brussels last autumn echoed in private Sarkozy's profound skepticism that this would be possible for a very long time to come. This is partly because the costs of Ukrainian reconstruction would place unprecedented and colossal strain on EU budgets. Six months ago, the World Bank estimated that the cost of this reconstruction would already be around $411 billion — two and a half times Ukraine's GDP for 2022 and more than twelve times the EU's entire present annual spending on aid to its poorer members.


Severe doubts were also expressed to me about Ukraine's ability to achieve the kind of internal reforms that would enable it to even begin to meet the conditions of the EU's Acquis Communautaire. President Macron believes that even if peace can be achieved, it will take Ukraine "several decades" to qualify. In these unfavorable circumstances for Ukraine and the West, to reject Sarkozy's remarks reflexively and without discussion seems the height of irresponsibility, hypocrisy, and moral cowardice, and also does not serve the real interests of Ukraine.


In 1916 and 1917, as the Western front congealed into a horrendously bloody stalemate and Russia sank into revolution and civil war, dissident voices began to be raised in the European combatants calling for a compromise peace. And in all these countries, these voices were also described as "shameful" and silenced by accusations of "treason" and "surrender."


The result was that three great European states were destroyed, the victors (with the exception of the United States) were irrevocably crippled, and the grounds were laid for Fascism, Stalinism, and the even greater calamity of World War II.


One hundred and six years later, very few historians today would describe those advocates of peace as "shameful," or their critics as correct. What are historians one hundred years from now likely to say about present Western witch hunts against those who propose peace in Ukraine?

Digitalization is a contemporary societal topic among businessmen, scholars, politicians, and citizens. The way Uber has changed the taxi business and subsequently is providing new models for the entire transportation industry or even changing urban planning principles is a practical example of the impact of digitalization. This example illustrates that digitalization offers major returns for some and ultimate losses for others, which is similar to Schumpeter's "Creative Destruction" that he coined in 1942. Digitalization does not refer to a product or service; it is multiple technology-based products, services, and concepts as a systemic whole. Many of the impacts of digitalization are difficult to observe beforehand, as the impact rendered is systemic rather than a straightforward causal relation. Traditional strategic management theories and frameworks are used to analyze company performance and to explain which strategies individual firms or group of firms should implement to succeed. Many of the tools for top management aid in understanding changes in business environments and offer guidance for making the correct strategic choices, but in many cases, they fail to aid in the detection of systemic phenomena. At the same time, making these strategic choices is difficult, as explained by behavioral economics and management cognition, as the choices involve changing the status quo. This dissertation examines the digitalization impact on the machine-building industry that serves global container handling customers - ports and terminals. It is a traditional capital intensive business-to-business industry that has a relatively small number of global players. The investigation adopted a value chain view in which machine builders are actors, actors apply digital technologies provided by enablers. The end customers, ports and terminals are referred as users. The objective of the research was to increase understanding of digitalization's potential for disruption or paradigm change as well as to identify the most important concepts that drive and inhibit this change. As the change brought about by digitalization is underway, it is necessary to understand whether the views regarding its impact differ between enablers, actors, and users. Mixed methods were applied that partly overlapped for triangulation purposes. The primary methodology included two rounds of Delphi interviews that were complemented by a survey and three case descriptions. Big Data/Artificial Intelligence emerged as the most prominent digital technology that can enable disruption in machine-building. Empirical results have shown that Big Data/Artificial Intelligence challenges the ways knowledge is created; it is more effective when machines and their components are connected to data networks, and the technology is both rapidly advancing and becoming more affordable. The cost, speed, availability, and features of Big Data/Artificial Intelligence development are driven by multiple industries where machine builders can have a relatively small impact. Empirical results have also shown that discipline and industry-based platforms are the most powerful economic drivers. The current management of the incumbents has little experience with these new elements, which have a major influence on industry dynamics. The platforms are especially powerful for change, as they enable a global network economy in which entrepreneurial knowledge workers can contribute to value creation in collaboration with startups and multinational corporations. Platform development cannot be stopped or delayed by incumbents in machine-building. They can ignore the development, adapt to it, or pursue a platform strategy of their own if the opportunities match the companies' capabilities. Examples of the sub-drivers pushing the digital concepts forward are classical and rational productivity, lead times, features, quality, and cost. In addition, some of the inhibitive sub-drivers are relatively easy to identify, such as 3D printing speed or users providing access to their data. Concerns regarding data security delay investment, and changing legacy processes and systems requires time; however, empirical results have indicated that the strongest inertia is related directly to people and decision making. Three of the strongest people-related inhibitive sub-drivers are lack of systemic understanding, management beliefs, and lack of capabilities. The practical contribution for management is twofold. First, it must be believed that digitalization will somehow disrupt the current business, and second that the transformation is too complex to be only planned, but instead requires also experimental learning. A successful combination that has been suggested by books and articles as well as the results and comments from the Delphi interviews is developing an entrepreneurial mindset, conducting multiple small experiments, and applying the knowledge of external networks. This enables strategy formation through learning, which simultaneously develops the capabilities that are needed in data and user-centric business environments. ; Digitalisaatio on ajankohtainen aihe liikemiesten, tutkijoiden, poliitikkojen ja yksittäisten ihmisten keskuudessa. Yksi käytännön esimerkki digitalisaation vaikutuksista on Uber, jonka toimintatapa muuttaa taksiliiketoimintaa luoden samalla malleja koko kuljetustoimialalle ja vaikuttaen jopa kaupunkisuunnitteluun. Esimerkki valaisee myös sitä, miten digitalisaatio tarjoaa merkittäviä voittoja yksille ja kohtalokkaita tappioita toisille, kuten Schumpeter kuvasi "luovan tuhon" ajatuksessaan jo vuonna 1942. Digitalisaatio ei ole yksittäinen tuote tai palvelu, vaan se on tuotteita, palveluita ja konsepteja, joita useat digitaaliset teknologiat systeemisesti mahdollistavat. Systeemisyys yksinkertaisten syy–seuraus-suhteiden sijaan tekee vaikutusten ymmärtämisen ja ennustamisen vaikeaksi. Perinteisiä strategisen johtamisen teorioita ja viitekehyksiä käytetään yritysten suorituskyvyn analysointiin ja sen ymmärtämiseksi, millä toimenpiteillä yritykset menestyisivät. Lisäksi monet ylimmät johdon työkalut helpottavat näkemään liiketoimintaympäristön muutoksia ja tarjoavat tukea oikeiden strategisten valintojen tekemiseen, mutta niissä on heikkouksia systeemisten ilmiöiden havaitsemiseksi. Behavioristinen taloustiede ja johtamisen kognitiotieteet auttavat ymmärtämään, miksi oikeat strategiset valinnat, jotka muuttavat vallitsevia uskomuksia, ovat vaikeita yksilötasolla. Tämä väitöstutkimus tutki digitalisaation vaikutusta koneenrakennustoimialaan, joka palvelee maailmanlaajuista kontinkäsittelyä – satamia ja terminaaleja. Toimiala on perinteinen, siinä on suhteellisen vähän globaaleja toimijoita ja se sitoo paljon pääomaa. Tutkimus lähestyi ongelmaa arvoketjun näkökulmasta siten, että koneenrakentajat ovat toimijoita, jotka soveltavat digitaalisia teknologioita, joita puolestaan mahdollistajat toimittavat. Arvo syntyy lopullisesti käyttäjille, joita ovat satamat ja terminaalit. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli lisätä ymmärrystä digitalisaation mahdollisesti aiheuttamasta murroksesta tai muutoksesta nykyiseen arvonluontimalliin sekä siitä, mitkä tekijät hidastavat tätä kehitystä. Koska mahdollinen muutos on meneillään, käsitysten erovaisuuksien ymmärtäminen arvoketjussa mahdollistajien, toimijoiden ja käyttäjien kesken on tärkeää. Tutkimuksen päämenetelmä oli kahden haastattelukierroksen Delfoi-tekniikka sekä tulosten validiteetin parantamiseksi käytetyt kyselytutkimus sekä kolme case-kuvausta. Tietomassojen suurtehokäsittely (Big Data) yhdessä tekoälyn (Artificial Intelligence) kanssa nousi tärkeimmäksi mahdollisen murroksen aikaansaavaksi digitaaliseksi teknologiaksi. Empiiriset tulokset osoittivat, että kyseiset teknologiat vaikuttavat uuden tietämyksen syntyyn ja että ilmiö kiihtyy, koska koneet ja niiden komponentit liittyvät kiihtyvässä tahdissa tietoverkkoihin. Kyseiset teknologiat kehittyvät edelleen samalla kun niiden käytön kustannukset laskevat. Nämä teknologiat palvelevat useita toimialoja, mutta koneenrakentajilla itsellään on vähäinen vaikutus teknologian kustannuksiin, nopeuteen, saatavuuteen, ominaisuuksiin tai niiden kehittymiseen. Empiiriset tulokset osoittivat myös, että tieteenhaara tai toimialapohjaiset alustat ovat voimakkaimmat potentiaalista murrosta aiheuttavat taloudelliset konseptit tämän tutkimuksen rajauksella. Alustat ovat uusia elementtejä, joilla on merkittävä vaikutus toimialan dynamiikkaan, mutta perinteisten yritysten johdolla on harvoin omaan opiskeluun tai kokemukseen perustuvaa osaamista niistä. Alustat saavat voimansa verkostovaikutuksista, joissa tietotyöläiset, startupit ja monikansalliset yritykset luovat yhdessä arvoa. Koneenrakentajat eivät pysty estämään alustojen syntymistä tai merkittävästi hidastamaan niiden kehitystä. Ne voivat ohittaa ilmiön, sopeutua siihen tai mahdollisuuksiensa ja kyvykkyyksiensä puitteissa luoda oman alustastrategiansa. Merkittävä osa ajureista, jotka kiihdyttävät digitaalisia konsepteja, ovat perinteisiä ja rationaalisia, kuten tuottavuus, läpimenoajat, ominaisuudet, laatu tai kustannukset. Osa kehitystä hidastavista ajureista on helposti tunnistettavissa, kuten 3D-tulostimen nopeus tai kuinka moni käyttäjä antaa pääsyn dataansa. Huoli tietoturvasta hidastaa investointeja, ja olemassa olevien prosessien ja järjestelmien vaihtaminen on aikaa vievää. Empiiriset tulokset osoittivat kuitenkin, että voimakkaimmat hidasteet liittyivät suoraan ihmisiin ja päätöksentekoon. Kolme merkittävintä ihmisiin liittyvää hidastetta olivat systeemisten ilmiöiden huono ymmärtäminen, johdon uskomukset ja kyvykkyyksien puute. Tulosten merkitys käytännön strategiselle johtamiselle kiteytyy kahteen asiaan. Ensinnäkin johdon pitää ymmärtää ja uskoa, että digitaalisuus murtaa joiltakin osin nykyisen liiketoiminnan, ja toiseksi kehitys on niin monisyistä, ettei menestystä voi kovinkaan tarkasti suunnitella etukäteen. Osa tutkimuksessa käytetystä kirjallisuudesta ja Delfoihaastatteluista saadut tulokset painottavat tällaisessa tilanteessa yrittäjyysmäistä ajattelutapaa ja paljon pieniä kokeiluja, joissa hyödynnetään ulkoisten verkostojen tietämystä. Toimintatapa mahdollistaa sen, että strategia voidaan luoda oppimalla, mikä samanaikaisesti kehittää kyvykkyyksiä, joita tarvitaan tieto- ja käyttäjäkeskeisissä liiketoimintaympäristöissä.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - Iowa was a tobacco control leader in the 19th Century. In 1897 the General Assembly completely prohibited the use, sale, and possession of tobacco products in the state. When the law was repealed in 1921, the General Assembly enacted strong measures to prevent tobacco use by minors. In 1921 Iowa passed the first state cigarette excise tax (2 cents). - Tobacco control reemerged in the 1970s, however a coalition of health groups were consistently outmaneuvered by tobacco industry lobbyists. - In 1990 health groups attempted to strengthen Iowa's Clean Indoor Air Act (passed in 1987), however the tobacco industry, represented primarily by Charles Wasker, co-opted the bill, stripping meaningful tobacco control provisions and using it to include ambiguous language to preempt localities from passing clean indoor air laws, which chilled local clean indoor air action for a decade. - In 1993 the voluntary health organizations founded Tobacco Free Iowa (TFI), a dedicated statewide tobacco control coalition to advocate for tobacco control policy change. In 1995 TFI hired Serge Garrison, a former R.J. Reynolds (RJR) lobbyist, to lobby to repeal clean indoor air preemption. Garrison, who helped draft the preemption clause when working for RJR, questioned whether Iowa's ambiguously worded clause actually preempted local clean indoor air action. - Iowa, represented by Attorney General Tom Miller (D), was a party in the 1998 Master Settlement Agreement. Miller and the Iowa Attorney General's Office, have been strong allies to tobacco control in Iowa. - After the MSA, in 2000, Iowa created the Division of Tobacco Use Prevention and Control within the Iowa Department of Public Health to implement a state tobacco control program funded with MSA revenue. - In 2001 the General Assembly passed legislation to securitize the MSA revenue stream to receive an upfront lump sum in lieu of most future MSA payments. Politicians framed MSA securitization as a way to create stable funding for health programs, including tobacco, but the vast majority of the money went to infrastructure projects. - The Health Iowans Tobacco Trust created through securitization to fund tobacco and other health programs was continually raided by the General Assembly from 2001 to 2008, and zeroed out in 2009. - The Iowa Tobacco Division has never been funded at or near the CDC recommended best practices for tobacco control and tobacco control advocates have not mobilized enough political pressure to demand and protect funding for the Tobacco Division. - From 1998 to 2008, $44,577 in campaign contributions were given to Iowa legislative candidates and party committees by five tobacco companies: Altria/Philip Morris, Farner-Bocken (an Iowa-based distributor), Myers-Cox Company (an Iowa-based distributor),R.J. Reynolds, and US Smokeless Tobacco. - Tobacco industry contributions spiked in 2000 when the Iowa General Assembly was considering legislation to create the Iowa Tobacco Division and deciding the use of their MSA payments. Contributions dropped in 2004 after the General Assembly mandated that the Tobacco Division have a youth focus (a pro-industry position) and securitized most of their MSA revenue. In 2004, industry contributions jumped back up (and steadily increased though 2008) concurrent with an increase in the introduction of tobacco control initiatives (which were repeatedly killed until 2007). - The tobacco industry focused contributions on legislative leaders. Rep. Christopher Rants(R-Woodbury) former Iowa House Majority Leader (1999-2003) and Speaker of the House (2003-2006) received the most industry money from 1998-2008 ($7,397). Rants was a key player in killing tobacco tax and local control bills throughout the 2000s. Representative Jamie Van Fossen (R- Scott) who served as the Chair of the House Ways and Means Committee received the second greatest amount ($6,050), followed by Sen. Stewart Iverson, Jr. (R-Wright), Senate Majority Leader from 1997-2006 ($2,220). - From 1998 to 2008, tobacco industry contributions to Republican candidates and the Republican party ($27,947) far outweighed contributions to their Democratic counterparts($15,130). From 1998 to 2007, Republicans controlled both houses (except in 2006 when the Senate was tied). - Republican legislators were significantly more pro-tobacco than Democrats. - Legislators who accepted campaign contributions from the tobacco industry were significantly more pro-tobacco than those who did not, controlling for party. - The tobacco industry maintains a significant lobbying presence, between 2003 and 2008 the tobacco industry reported $667,875 in lobbying expenditures in Iowa. - After an inquiry prompted by Serge Garrison in the late 1990s, Attorney General Tom Miller (D) issued an opinion in November 2000 stating that state law did not preempt local clean indoor air ordinances. - From 1999 to 2003 there was a tide of local clean indoor air action. In March 2002, Ames passed Iowa's first clean indoor air ordinance. Ames' ordinance included a tobacco industry inspired "hours" provision that allowed smoking after 8:30pm, advocated for by hospitality interests, making the ordinance weak. Its passage created momentum for other localities to pass clean indoor air measures. - In January 2002, Iowa City passed Iowa's first 100% smokefree restaurant ordinance. Other localities, aided by the Iowa Attorney General's Office and TFI, began considering ordinances and enactment of voluntary clean indoor air policies. - Local clean indoor air progress was blocked in 2003, after a group of Ames business owners, funded by Philip Morris, challenged the Ames ordinance in court. In May 2003, the Iowa Supreme Court ruled that the 1990 Clean Indoor Air Act was preemptive. - In 2003, TFI collapsed, leaving Iowa without a functioning tobacco control coalition until 2006. In 2003 some advocates reorganized to create CAFE Iowa and CAFE Iowa CAN, primarily to repeal preemption. - Beginning in 2005, under the direction of Iowa Tobacco Division Director Bonnie Mapes, Iowa advocates reorganized and created a strategic plan. In 2006 the Iowa Tobacco Prevention Alliance was created to assume the role of Iowa's statewide tobacco control coalition. - The combination Democrats taking control of the legislature in 2007 and the reorganization of tobacco control advocates in 2006 led to substantial tobacco control policy changes. - In 2007 the Iowa General Assembly passed a $1 increase in the cigarette tax, the first increase in 16 years. - In 2008 the General Assembly passed the strong Iowa Smokefree Air Act that extended smokefree environments to 99 percent of Iowa employees and repealed preemption. - Following the 2007 tax increase, adult smoking rates in Iowa fell from 18 to 14% in two years (2006 to 2008). - Youth smoking rates increased from 2004 to 2006 following a substantial cut in allocations to the Tobacco Division in 2002, leading to a substantial decrease in expenditures for Just Eliminate Lies, Iowa's youth counter-marketing campaign. - Tobacco control advocates must make securing and maintain adequate funding for Iowa's Tobacco Division a top priority. The CDC recommends that tobacco control programs in Iowa be funded at $36.7 million per year. In FY 2009, the Tobacco Division received only $11.0 million, less than a third of the CDC recommended level. An increase in funding is particularly important because of the increase in youth smoking rates since JEL's 2002 funding cut. - Given the Tobacco Division's limited budget and the increasing levels of youth and young adult smoking, the Tobacco Division should focus less on funding individual level cessation services (other than the Quitline, which is a public health intervention) and instead increase its emphasis on media and community-based programs that are more cost effective public health interventions to reduce tobacco use. - Advocates should work to require health insurance to provide cessation services through the medical services budget, not public health. - Advocates need to expand their base beyond major cities to rural areas of Iowa to broaden the base of support for smokefree environments and expand the political base to maintain and expand funding for tobacco control efforts.

Целью статьи является не только и не столько описание уровня жизни населения, и даже не дифференциация его по уровню жизни как таковая, а анализ неравенства по благосостоянию как важного аспекта существующей в обществе социальной стратификации. Изучая проблемы социально-экономического неравенства в современной России, необходимо, по-видимому, учитывать как общемировые тенденции, так и специфические особенности страны, связанные с ее принадлежностью к трансформирующимся обществам, переживающим переход от советской социетальной системы к новому состоянию, пока еще не во всем определившемуся по своей направленности. Данные представительных опросов экономически активного населения России позволили не ограничиться среднеарифметическими показателями, что особенно важно в условиях резкой социальной дифференциации в показателях уровня жизни. Наши опросы охватили представителей экономически активной части населения. Пенсионеры, инвалиды, студенты, как одиночки, так и образующие самостоятельные семьи, в состав респондентов не входят. Это само по себе означает, что полученные нами характеристики уровня жизни общества скорее несколько завышены, чем занижены. ; This paper aims not only and not just at describing the living situation of the population and its differentiation, but also at analyzing the general inequalities as an important aspect of the existing stratification. In studying problems of socioeconomic inequalities in contemporary Russia it is necessary to consider worldwide tendencies as well as country-specific trends related to its transition from Soviet societal system to a new and yet undefined condition. The data from representative surveys of economically active Russian population allowed us not to confine ourselves exclusively to average figures, which is especially important when considering the dramatic differentiation of living standards. Our samples do not include students and the retired (alone, as well as within families). This in itself means, that the figures we have gained are more likely to be underestimated, than overestimated. In post-Soviet Russia the actions of politicians, who actually defined the social policy in 1990s the beginning of 2000s, to a greater degree were influenced by a neo-conserv-ative wave, which came generally from the USA and Great Britain. One should bear in mind that the concept of reforms came originally from the need for raising the efficiency of the economy system. Social sphere was regarded as one of the elements of the economic policy. The efficiency criterion was economic in nature, while social sphere was one of the general policy constraints. Despite numerous statements about "socially oriented economy", "social state", the development of the social sphere in Russia was not considered as an evident objective of the reforms. Enough to say, there were barely any attempts to solve the poverty question at the beginning of reforms, as well as many years later. It was absolutely ignored, that unlike many transforming national economies most households in Russia lacked the required material and financial resources to ease their adaptation to a new socioeconomic situation. Moreover, "the shock therapy" involved the appropriation of all the savings from population and enterprises in the first months of 1992 through the liberalization of prices without corresponding deposit compensation. In our perceptions over poverty and low living standards of the lower strata we rely on the information about poverty lines, which are drawn from the necessity to satisfy the minimum subsistence needs (according to world-wide accepted criteria). In Russia this means the inability of a family to satisfy its needs in nutrition, clothing, housing with its current income. The forming (and, most likely, fully formed) Russian society features an unprecedented gap between the rich and the poor, unseen anywhere among the developed countries. In 1990s the property differentiation of the population has sharply increased and brought the mass strata of the so called "new poor" working poor. The actual average wage (in the prices of 1991) during 1991-1998 has reduced from 548 to 193 roubles, i.e. almost threefold. Since 1999 the wages started to grow. Although still in 2004, after a 5-year economic growth, the real wage was just 89% of its miserable 1990 level. Only by the end of 2005 the real wage has reached the pre-reform level of 1990 (100.3%). In 2006 the wage has grown 166Summaries at 13.4% and another 16.2% in 2007. This has brought its value to a far greater than the one of the pre-reform period, although one should, of course, consider the lack of the information about the growing income differentiation. Taken for 100% in 1991 the average wage has become 67% in education in 2007 (56% in 2000); 257% in finance; 45% in agriculture; 209% in primary sector (raw materials industry); and 97% in manufacturing industries. In 2006 the greater decile coefficient was observed in trade (33-fold) and financial activities (32-fold). For reference, in industries with a lower level of inequalities in 2006 this figure was: 11.5 in energy, gas and water supplies, 14.5 in transport and 15 in public health and 16 in education. According to independent researches the decile coefficient for the whole population was estimated at 25, while far greater in Moscow 40-50. Even according to the underestimated data of the Russian Statistical Services this figure in 2007 was 16.8 compared with the earlier 13-14. The Audit Chamber has conducted its own evaluation and received the following results: 30 for Russia as a whole and 41 in Moscow. According to the data of our representative survey (December 2006) there exists a high correlation between household income and other types of resources, which households/families possess. All of the corresponding indicators we have used increase with the higher income rates. The correlation of income with other values is more obvious for such group-forming criteria as the index for authority level and the ownership status (ownership of enterprises and/or financial securities). One should also pay attention to a lower social capital of the representatives of the lower income strata. This is a very important evidence, which indicates that the lower strata have mostly worked out this resource, which aided their survival in the early 1990s. After gaining mass support with the loud promises to fight privileges and bring social justice, individual freedom and equal opportunities the newly formed neo-nomenklatura was first forced to conceal the original vector of its policy under the mask of "the social state" that is how it was claimed in the Constitution of Russian Federation. Although for the major part of the ruling class these reforms posed a great opportunity to give up social liabilities in circumstances, where their own appetites for higher living standards have grown sharply, along with the unstable incomes form oil, gas and other exports due to the volatility of the world market. At the same time the infringement of rights for work and the corresponding pay affects almost a quarter of the economically active population. The proportion of the poor has barely reduced. A significant part of the younger people is not just uneducated, but sometimes illiterate. The guarantee for free public medical service has turned into situation, when one would wait for ages for a required surgical operation. The boom in housing construction has no effects on the situation of the lower strata. All this happens against the ostentatious "money waste" not only by the new business class, but also higher government officials, especially the top-managers of government-owned corporations. The social policy is required as long as the people do not interfere with the plans and interests of the new political elite, i.e. the provision of social stability and the legality of their capitals within the country and especially abroad. Summaries167 The post-Soviet ruling strata are unable and have no desire to represent the all-national interests. This reflects, on the one hand, their succession from the Soviet nomenklatura, and, on the other, the lack of traditions for massive political opposition and the forming of counter-elites as, for example, in Poland or Hungary.

The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Senior Arts/Humanities category. ; Investigating Joshua L. Chamberlain; Distinctions Between the Memory and Reality of Maine's Famed Colonel Jacob Maker HI 430 A Professor Sodergren 12 December 2021 1 The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. Academic books such as Hands of Providence by Alice Rains Trulock, John Pullen's Twentieth Maine, and Conceived in Liberty by Mark Perry portray Chamberlain in a prolific 2 light. They all generally revere him, initiating their books with praise calling him "a great American hero and a genuinely good man," as well as "remarkable" and a "graceful gentleman".1 Not only do these historians hold these ideals, but the US Army and other agencies openly promote Chamberlain for his heroics without analyzing the reality of who he was holistically.2 Hands of Providence is one of the more prolific biographies describing Chamberlain and the 20th Maine. Trulock writes of his life before, during, and after his war service. She accurately illustrates how Chamberlain's colleagues at Bowdoin, as well as others in his life, regarded him early in the war.3 Comparatively, she notes statements from his soldiers about how they viewed him during the war, both in good and bad lights.4 Pullen does the same, but instead focuses mainly on the unit instead of its commander. This also allows for more in-depth analysis of how his men, and soldiers of the Confederacy, viewed Chamberlain.5 He also describes his work ethic, intelligence, and leadership characteristics regarding how they effected his colonelcy and command during the war. Conceived in Liberty differentiates from the other works because it primarily focuses on the two commanders at Little Round Top and their lives before, during, and after the war. This includes some of the more unsavory events that Trulock and Perry omit, particularly how Chamberlain's home life regarding his wife Fannie's disappointment in their marriage.6 The mentioning of this, as well as information about the abovementioned 1880 affair make this source stand apart from the others.7 1 Trulock, Hands of Providence, xvii; Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 3. 2 United States Department of Defense, "Medal of Honor Monday," https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]; Weart, "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. 3 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 4 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 5 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 6 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 4; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 42; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 7 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 387-392. 3 Edward Longacre's The Soldier and the Man is an interesting contradictory source. Instead of constant praise for Chamberlain, Longacre credits him for both his good and poor actions during the war. He calls into question his ego and insecurities, selfish desires for greatness above all else, and indifference towards soldiers to include ordering their execution.8 Longacre writes this from a different perspective, that of truth regarding Chamberlain's life both good and bad. There have also been two articles that discuss Chamberlain and his leadership both written by military officers. The first is "Leadership as a Force Multiplier" by Lieutenant Colonel Fred Hillyard, and the second is "Blood and Fire", written by Major John Cuddy. Hillyard focuses on Chamberlain's leadership characteristics while deeming if he deserves the high pedestal he is placed upon, while Cuddy analyzes how different scholars understood Chamberlain and his leadership philosophy. They both state how Chamberlain has been designated as a symbol of leadership within the military and agree that he received all his knowledge from his commander, Colonel Ames, who was West Point educated.9 Furthermore, they consider Chamberlain in a favorable light by calling him a military genius.10 This differs from other sources in that it outright debates his poor attributes instead of assuming him to be an admirable figure. These articles exemplify the dichotomy of reality and fiction regarding how Chamberlain is remembered. This literature provides insight on the dichotomy of thought regarding Chamberlain, with the more mainstream historians, like Trulock, Pullen, and Perry picturing him as an idyllic, humble, and professional gentlemen who represented the best of Federal officers. This is countered by more modern writers, such as Longacre, Hillyard, and Cuddy, understanding that 8 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 100; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 118. 9 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 4. 10 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 2. 4 Chamberlain was by no means perfect, and his flaws should be investigated as much as his successes. Chamberlain's life and legacy is extremely important because it effects how we remember him and his actions during the Civil War. Popular history tells us of Chamberlain's battlefield heroics and of his gentlemanly manner both in and out of battle. Yet, what has not been compiled popularly is the reality of his life, and the memory associated with it. Growing up in Maine, learning about Chamberlain and his regiment was common, mainly as a high point in Maine's history. However, it is increasingly important to recognize who our leaders and heroes were in their lives and hold them accountable for both the good and bad things they did over the course of their lives. Throughout the research, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain was viewed in high regard by both his adversaries and peers during the Civil War, as well as in his post-war politics, continuing into today's popular history. Yet, there are differing opinions that emerge over time regarding whether his political skills were as impressive as portrayed as well as how multiple personal issues plagued him and his ability to execute the offices bestowed upon him. *** Joshua Chamberlain came from a respected family in Brewer, Maine, outside of Bangor. In the Bangor area, and later Brunswick, Chamberlain and his relatives were regarded as model citizens who held dear to principles of toughness, work ethic, and democratic values.11 He was raised with these morals and sought after them in his personal and professional life. Concepts of honesty and integrity became trademarks of the family, with his parents expecting those attributes from the Chamberlain children.12 Educated in religion at the Bangor Seminary as well 11 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 16. 12 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57. 5 as traditionally at Bowdoin, he garnered a reputation as an astute academic who was a stickler for the rules and lived by a code of honor.13 Despite his found success in the classroom, Chamberlain had always fancied a military lifestyle, devoting one term of school at the Whiting Military Academy in 1843, as well as participating in several musters with the Maine Militia before entering service in the Civil War.14 Soon after his schooling, Chamberlain accepted a position as a professor at his alma mater, Bowdoin College. He influenced and instructed students on rhetoric and language prior to the war, even writing recommendations and using his political sway to help students gain commissions and enlistments.15 Eventually, his longing to serve coincided with the nation's necessity for leadership. Joshua Chamberlain's contributions to the preservation of the Union are undoubted, yet the perception of him by peers before and in the early years of the conflict indicate dissenting opinions from his popular reference as a revered leader by all. With the nation at war, Chamberlain's desire to serve increased daily as students graduated, or dropped their academics, and enlisted to serve the Union. In envy, Chamberlain utilized his familial and academic connections to pen a letter to the Governor of Maine, Israel Washburn. In this letter he states, "I have always been interested in military matters, and what I do not know in that line I know how to learn", pleading with the governor to allow a man with no military background or training a chance to command.16 Having claimed to be taking sabbatical in Europe, his colleagues detested his notion to leave Bowdoin and sent letters to the Governor urging him to not grant Chamberlain a commission declaring him to be "'no fighter, but only a mild-mannered common student'", "'nothing at all'", and "'good for nothing'".17 Evidently, despite he and his family's 13 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 20, 25-26. 14 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 18, 53. 15 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 17. 16 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 9. 17 Colleagues at Bowdoin, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11. 6 reputation throughout Maine, some harbored public doubts about his ability to lead men into battle, mainly because he was thought to be needed more in his role as a Professor at Bowdoin than in the army by some. Contrarily, there were others who supported Chamberlain's military ambitions full-heartedly. Brunswick's reputable physician, Dr. John D. Lincoln, wrote on Chamberlain's behalf, declaring him to be "'as capable of commanding… as any man out of… West Point" and that the enlisted men would surely "'rally around his standard as they would around a hero.'"18 It wasn't just family friends who supported Chamberlain, local newspapers deemed him "a capable and efficient officer" both fit for battle and the lieutenant colonelcy of the 20th Maine.19 The political sway of the his physician as well as the admirability of local press convinced Governor Washburn to grant Chamberlain's commission, yet opting instead to place West Point educated Adelbert Ames of Rockland as commander of the unit due to Chamberlain's lack of field experience and general military knowledge.20 Although there was noted dissent regarding his commission, his soldiers and fellow officers attest to his leadership attributes both under fire and while encamped. In accordance with what Dr. Lincoln wrote to Governor Washburn, he was commended by his troops as being "idolized" within the unit for his stature and leadership, unlike Ames who was viewed as tyrannical and cruel to his men.21 The men of the 20th Maine were driven towards Chamberlain's sympathetic, more egalitarian leadership style, as Ames gave his men no respect believing that military hierarchy should be placed above all else. The men of the unit rejected this, as in Maine 18 Lincoln, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11-12. 19 "Letter from the State Capitol," Portland Daily Press. 20 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 55. 21 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 77. 7 they and their commander stood evenly on the social scale.22 Colonel Ames was detested for his constant drill and disrespect for his men, being proclaimed by his soldiers as a "'savage" whose "'men would surely shoot him'" when drawn into battle.23 Ames was blissfully unaware of these thoughts, but Chamberlain relished his public perception and continued to care deeply about his men and by extension his image. By default, the volunteers fell on Chamberlain for support and assurance, as they distrusted their Colonel. Chamberlain proved himself militarily at Fredericksburg, and most notably Gettysburg, as a great military officer and tactician. Although his actions are known and renowned, the perspective of him by others during battle is paramount to understanding how he was perceived. For example, over the course of the war Colonel Ames forced many of his regiment's officers to resign due to poor performance and lack of leadership, yet he referred to Chamberlain as his "'best officer'" who led from the front and modeled honor and bravery for his unit.24 Soldiers testified to an instance where his academic and military intelligence united to deceive the enemy by pretending to be a Confederate under the cover of darkness, fooling the enemy into believing the Union line was far away.25 They also pronounced his leadership as something that should be exemplified, as he refused to order his men into unnecessary danger and would not give them orders he would not execute himself.26 This praise was not solely from his soldiers, but other officers from around the army. The commanding general of the Fifth Corps, General Sykes, congratulated him after Gettysburg by saying that the actions of the 20th Maine, and Chamberlain's leadership thereof, were the most 22 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 23 Thomas Chamberlain, as quoted in Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 24 Ames, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 25 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 57. 26 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 80; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 151. 8 important to occur during the battle and that if Little Round Top was lost so was the Union cause.27 His direct superior, Colonel Rice, declared "'your gallantry was magnificent, and your coolness and skill saved us.'" indicating a consensus amongst all involved that Chamberlain's actions were valiant and noble placing him amongst the army's most superb officers.28 His subordinates and supervisors agreed that Chamberlain was an exceptional officer, which is something to note considering some officers, like General Thomas, were liked by their men and hated by their leaders. While it is not surprising that comrades of Chamberlain praised him, the reactions and testimonies of his enemies are important as well. Colonel William Oates was the commander of the opposing 15th Alabama at Little Round Top, and remarkably only had good things to say about Chamberlain. Oates stated that the decisiveness taken by the 20th Maine made them the hardest fighting unit he had ever seen, and that their "'gallant Colonel'" possessed exorbitant amounts of "'skill and… great bravery'" that saved the Union from defeat.29 Another anonymous soldier recollected on how, during Little Round Top, he had a clear line of sight on Chamberlain, yet felt a strong feeling not to fire upon him. He adhered to this feeling, and later expressed how glad he was that he hadn't killed him in a letter to Chamberlain.30 However, it was not only units involved in direct conflict against Chamberlain that respected him. During the surrender at Appomattox, Confederate Major General John B. Gordon stated that the officer from Maine was "'one of the knightliest soldiers of the Federal army'" because of the respect Chamberlain had bestowed upon the surrendering forces.31 Instead of 27 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155. 28 Rice, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 271. 29 Oates, as quoted in Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 30 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 122. 31 Gordon, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 9 humiliating the men as they laid down their weapons, Chamberlain ensured that they were treated fairly, yet still making it known who the victor was. In postwar years, editions of the Confederate Veteran painted Chamberlain in a similar fashion. They tell of how brilliant he and his unit were in battle, over 35 years after the end of hostilities.32 The magazine makes it known how great of a leader Confederate soldiers believed he was. In fact, he is cited as representing the Federal Army in 1913 at a monument dedication in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This reconciliatory monument represented the peace between the states by inscribing the names of both Confederate and Federal war dead. Furthermore, Chamberlain attended as a "distinguished soldier" and gentlemen in the eyes of former Confederates.33 It is common for friendly forces to recognize the brilliance of successful military actions; yet surprising that enemy combatants also revered Chamberlain and his actions despite their catastrophic impact on the Confederate war effort. Chamberlain is remembered after the war for his accolades as a representative of Maine while pursuing political aspirations and maintaining public appearances, yet his support never faltered, and he remained generally well respected despite familial disputes and marital issues that troubled his private life. Politically savvy since his days as a professor, Chamberlain made the jump from wartime commander to state executive in a matter of years after the conclusion of hostilities. An indication of his popularity with the people of Maine, he was elected with the largest majority of any gubernatorial candidate in his first election. He ran on the promise to ratify the 14th and 15th amendments, all while ensuring the former Confederacy paid for their sins while earning their right of federal representation. 34 32 "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran. 33 "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial", Confederate Veteran. 34 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 337. 10 Chamberlain desired "'suspension of certain privileges'" and "'certain rights'" for former Confederates, of which he believed had been relinquished by waging war. 35 He appealed to Congress, arguing that war is not a game, therefore the losers should be held accountable for their transgressions. He was known for a conservative streak compared to other Republicans, which itself angered those radicals in Maine politics. For example, he publicly argued against allowing suffrage to freedmen, claiming it to be too much of a change too quickly.36 He also supported Maine's conservative senator in voting against the impeachment of Andrew Jackson, an obvious minority opinion in fiercely liberal Republican politics. 37 He was never a practical politician, but his neglect of party viewpoints disgruntled leaders within Republican forums. This was different from other reconstruction leaders, as many focused-on reconciliation instead of punishment and often sided with the powerful postwar party. Although popular among the citizens of the state, he was unprepared for the life of a politician. In essence, he was not prepared for dissenting opinion, and outright disregard for his point of view at times, as he was at this point used to military reverence for the commanders orders. He fought with the legislature on several issues, mainly temperance and the legality of capital punishment in the state, but also found common ground and gained support from both parties.38 Previous legislations had proposed and supported temperance committees that oversaw laws regulating alcohol use and distribution. They established "special police", which Chamberlain declared an unconstitutional infringement on the rights of Mainers.39 He wrote to the legislature describing his dissatisfaction regarding this bill yet felt it his duty as executive to 35 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 36 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 264. 37 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 38 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 39 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338; Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 11 sign it nevertheless due to its success in the legislature.40 He angered many within the state with his conduct regarding this issue, refusing to attend temperance meetings and denying them public forums. Chamberlain took his position as governor quite literally, as is evident by his signing of bills he disagreed with instead of vetoing them. He believed it was his, and the government of Maine's, responsibility to enact and therefore enforce law. By extension, he brought this same fervor to the capital punishment debate saying that laws should either change or be enforced. He is quoted saying, "'If we cannot make our practice conform to our law, [we must] make our law agree with our practice'".41 This debate had been raging far before Chamberlain was Governor, with his predecessors simply tabling execution authorizations as it was state law the Governor had to authorize each death with a signature. Furthermore, he used his executive power to commute sentences, but insisted on carrying out many of them considering it, again, his elected duty.42 He confided in his mother that "'many are bitter on me about capital punishment but it does not disturb me in the least'", continuing to describe that some had sent threatening letters in response to his ordering of the executions. 43 He responded calmly "'The poor fool for whomever thinks he can scare me… is mistaken… I do not have a particle of fear in me of anything that walks or flies,'" assuring his mother of his safety.44 His administration was not without success, as garnered support on several important issues. Chamberlain's exoneration of Civil War veterans with pardons received support from both parties, and the people as well.45 Furthermore, the establishment of the Maine's agriculture 40 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 79; Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 197. 41 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 42 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 43 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 44 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 45 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 71. 12 academy, the predecessor of the University of Maine, under his administration again excited the people and both political parties.46 This school created another avenue of education for Maine's youth, one not affiliated directly with the little ivy elite of Bowdoin, Bates, and Colby Colleges. Despite his immense popularity, and the fact that both parties supported him in a fifth term, Mainers typically regarded him as an ineffective politician.47 Today, he is not remembered for his political career or exploits, with historians and everyday people recognizing him for his war exploits. Unbeknownst to the public, while Chamberlain pursued political and public aspirations, his family was disintegrating. Not only did he and Fannie have marital issues, but his siblings all experienced turmoil that was directly and indirectly caused by the patriarch's endeavors. During the war, it was known that Fannie and Chamberlain were often at odds regarding their marriage and the direction of their lives. While she begrudgingly supported her husband's military endeavors, she was often distant during the war and hoped that when he returned to Maine he would settle down and make time for her.48 According to letters between the two, it appears that Fannie would often neglect to return letters to Chamberlain, saying he had sent seven letters by October of 1862 compared to receiving only two from his wife.49 This pattern continues throughout the war with Chamberlain asking "'Where are you… I do not hear from you all this long while?. It is more than a month that I have heard a word from you?'".50 Fannie and Chamberlain's marriage was strained by the distance and lack of communication during the war, yet his issues would also follow him into his post-war career. 46 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 47 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 48 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 49 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 23. 50 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Desjardin, Life in Letters, 184. 13 Fannie understood how tenaciously ambitious her husband was. He was a man of perception, and it came to no surprise to her that he accepted the Republican nomination and subsequent election as governor. Unlike her support during the war, Fannie made it clear she did not and would not encourage him in this undertaking, as she felt neglected as a wife.51 She felt so strongly about this, she refused to accompany her husband in Augusta, instead opting to stay in Brunswick. He missed her dearly and wanted to share his experience as governor with her pleading, "'we are getting rather lonesome without you…'" while encouraging her to accompany him saying "'we are having some quite pleasant times, only you are wanting to complete our happiness.'"52 Still, despite his proposed love and longing for his wife, their marriage continued to decline throughout his term to the point of abuse accusations and threats of divorce. Fannie, extremely unhappy with her marriage by 1868, released public statements alleging physical and mental abuse during their marriage. Chamberlain's response was chilling, saying "'if it were not you… I should make quick work of these calumniaters…'".53 Seeming more concerned with his public image than his marriage or the state of his wife, he says his enemies will "'ruin'" him when they catch hold of the allegations.54 Chamberlain scolded her like a child, warning her of the perils that faced widows in their society, as well as the unsought humiliation a separation would bring for himself and their families.55 These marital issues continued for the remainder of their lives, with Chamberlain confused on how or why his wife remained so disappointed in their union. They came to a mutual agreement, that they would remain married to preserve public respect for themselves and their family while living separately 51 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334. 52 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334; Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 59. 53 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 54 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 55 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 341. 14 for much of the remainder of their lives.56 These public statements were used as fodder by his enemies but amounted to make little difference as Chamberlain was subsequently reelected. Despite this, it is important to understand these accusations to therefore appreciate Chamberlain holistically, and acknowledge their absence in popular history. During the war, Joshua's brother Tom fought alongside Chamberlain in the 20th Maine while the remaining Chamberlains awaited the return of their soldiers. Sarah, their sister, continued life at home while John, being chronically ill, served alongside his brothers as a Chaplain. Upon returning home, John became increasingly sick. Despite the ailments of his brother, Chamberlain ran and was elected for governor whilst his wife spent considerable time caring for John.57 Tom, meanwhile, was lost after his wartime service. He lived and worked in New York for a time, yet never found anything worthwhile. Soon thereafter, John died and Governor Chamberlain left his Tom to fend for himself, stranding him both financially and emotionally as Tom had come to rely on the hospitality of John in Chamberlain's absence.58 Later in life he did the same, as Tom returned to Maine in 1889 after failed pursuits in Florida. Chamberlain, now retired, refused to help him as he had his own financial problems. Tom, neglected to attend any reunions of the 20th Maine, therefore allowing his brother to obtain the spotlight.59 Upon Tom's death, Chamberlain retained the same mindset regarding his siblings. Despite this, Tom never resented his brother, in fact encouraging and supporting him until the day of his death.60 Joshua Chamberlain made himself a priority throughout his life, doing so by routinely disregarding the needs of his loved ones in exchange for his own. This is 56 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 339. 57 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 78. 58 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 82. 59 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 86. 60 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 88. 15 another unknown aspect of Chamberlain's life, and something that he and popular historians do not want the public to see, as it would taint his image as a saintly officer and leader. Omitted from almost every contemporary textbook or lesson regarding Joshua Chamberlain is the 1880 Maine Gubernatorial crisis, termed the 'Count-Out Crisis'. Essentially, elected Democrat Governor Alonzo Garcelon sought reelection in 1879 against two opponents, Daniel F. Davis of the Republican Party and Joseph L. Smith of the Greenbacks Party. With the vote split between three candidates, 49.6% of the votes went to Davis with the remainder split between Garcelon and Smith. The Maine Constitution declared that without over 50% of the votes, no winner could be announced, and the legislature must elect the governor.61 Facing a Republican majority in the legislature, Garcelon manipulated the votes by casting aside Republican votes as invalid, causing the Supreme Court of Maine to declare his actions unconstitutional and award the governorship to Davis. Garcelon refused to yield his office and began appointing Democrat and Greenback Representatives and Senators while declaring himself the rightful governor. All sides began to mobilize paramilitary forces, forcing then Commander of the Maine Militia, Joshua Chamberlain, to intervene.62 Called upon by leaders of the elected legislature, Chamberlain swiftly took control of the government by using civilian police to oust Garcelon's staff and council before alterations could be made to the legitimate election results.63 Controlling the state as a military dictator, Chamberlain now faced the daunting task of relinquishing power to one of the three factions, retaining it for himself, or allowing the courts to decide. He was urged from all sides, with many pleading him to retain the democratic institutions in place.64 Chamberlain confides his great 61 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 239; Foley, Ballot Battles, 164. 62 Foley, Ballot Battles, 165-167. 63 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 356. 64 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 242. 16 responsibility in Fannie saying "'There is… No Governor, no legislature… I have been obliged to assume the defense… of the state… I am determined that Maine shall not become a Southern American State'".65 He is interpreted as referencing his Confederate counterparts and the lawlessness he associated with their secession and subsequent reintegration into the Union, as well as nations literally situated on the South American continent that were notable monarchies and dictatorships. Chamberlain's outlook on his role in this matter is that of a noble hero, something that surely inflated his ego as well as gave him a needed break from what he deemed to be a morbidly boring life as a civilian. Committed to solving the issue in a non-partisan and equitable manner, Chamberlain managed to enrage almost everyone in Augusta during his occupation. He was offered appointments as senator by each side, to which he adamantly refused stating it was the sole responsibility of the courts to decide the outcome.66 He was discouraged that his own party had amounted military forces and bribed him, and that they and the Democratic camp called him a traitor and usurper who abused his office as Commander of the Militia by intervening.67 Both sides plotted against him, threatened to kill or kidnap him, yet he stayed true to his goal of "'keep[ing] the peace'" and allowing laws to be executed rightfully.68 A local paper describes the scene as dire, where all of the power of the state was vested into Chamberlain until matters could be resolved.69 It was also cautionary, asking citizens to stay calm and avoid the capital, as infantry from Gardiner had been given authority to fire upon civilians or police should they act malicious.70 In the end, he gracefully guided Maine through twelve days of political and social 65 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 138. 66 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 67 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 68 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 359. 69 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 70 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 17 unrest, ultimately allowing the court to empower the duly elected legislature to establish Davis as Governor. While Chamberlain fought to maintain his public image though marital and political disputes, today's scholars have begun to delve into his life and analyze his actions. Military writers, for example, annotate analysis his military exploits without necessarily focusing on other aspects of his life. By extension, these writers represent the popular memory of Chamberlain today. Military doctrine displays Chamberlain as the best and brightest military leader of the Civil War, yet writers like Hillyard, Cuddy, and Foley discuss his leadership style progression and whether he deserves the high pedestal he is placed in. Fred Hillyard points out in his paper that the Army uses Joshua Chamberlain as an example of leadership to be emulated, saying that the Army claims responsibility in developing leaders in his image through their education pipelines.71 Hillyard, in the 1980's, questions whether or not this selection is plausible, stating that the notion of military education is lost using Chamberlain as an example as he was schooled at a liberal arts college and volunteered for his commission without any prior military education.72 Hillyard also asserts that although the individual actions of Little Round Top are admirable, the tactics and leadership of the Civil War cannot be adequately translated to modern conflicts. He argues that "students may not relate to the muskets, bayonets, [and] bugle calls… when their thoughts are normally of sophisticated weapons systems… [and] the modern battlefield".73 Moreover, Hillyard continues to question the Army's position regarding Chamberlain, asking if his actions, although notable, were necessarily different from military actions of his time. 71 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 72 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 73 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 18 Hillyard equates Chamberlain's war heroics to his personality, luck, and the fact that the pressure of the situation helped shape him into a military genius. Chamberlain's temperament and personal awareness were key to his success at Gettysburg, in that he was able to learn and adapt to the given situation.74 Hillyard also contributes Chamberlain's willingness to share in the suffering of his men as a motivator for them to follow his lead in battle.75 Unequivocally agreeing that his actions were great, he remains unconvinced that Chamberlain was a special instance of leadership. He determines that when people of character are placed in precarious situations, they usually will make consequential decisions.76 He concludes that Chamberlain is a great example of leadership, one that people can look to and learn from, but is not convinced he is the best example that the military should look toward. This exemplifies that, even in the 1980's, scholars viewpoints of him were changing as a holistic image of Chamberlain and his leadership attributes were being developed. In his paper, John Cuddy focuses on Chamberlain's leadership development over time, and how he became a symbol of leadership for the military and the public. Interestingly, Cuddy contradicts Hillyard by saying that his actions during battle were not a result of him being an exemplary human being, instead attributing his bravery to his personality, personal interactions with different role models, as well as his education and professorship at Bowdoin.77 These characteristics, Cuddy argues, projected him to success in leadership roles, and the evaluation of them and him can help others in the future. He also asserts that Chamberlain had an inert sense of entitlement for esteem and prestige citing his pleas to Senator Morrill regarding his permanent appointment to Major General following the war.78 Despite his ego, he was outwardly concerned 74 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 75 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 8. 76 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 5. 77 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 4-5. 78 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 6. 19 for the welfare of his troops, yet also garnered the need for respect and order within his unit. He was sympathetic to his men but was also strict when called to do so. Cuddy attributes these and other personality traits to his success militarily and asks future students to analyze his self-need for adventure and validation as an example of poor leadership. Chamberlain's combination of humbleness regarding his troops and desire to prove himself made him daring yet conscious enough to lead gracefully in times of stress. Cuddy also determines that Chamberlain is an example of what good role models can do for leadership development, citing his boyhood idols as well as military leaders. Cuddy establishes that Chamberlain's upbringing was filled with military heroes, like his father and grandfather, of whom he always wanted to emulate.79 His childhood was filled with menial labor, hard lessons, and eventual academic prowess. Chamberlain was an advocate for hard work before the war and took these ideals with him into service. Never receiving formal military training, he yearned to prove himself in battle saying "'Soldiering in a time of peace is almost as much against my grain as being a peace man in time of war'" when asked prior to the war about militia service.80 His upbringing shaped his character, which Cuddy argues helped shape him into an effective military leader. Interestingly, we see Foley stray from the commonality of the other military writers, as he seems to agree with popular historians that Chamberlain was a "honorable" and "inspiring" man who answered his nation's call when needed.81 Foley neglects to mention his development as a leader, instead citing sources that clearly picture him as a leader born for greatness. He cites a plethora of Chamberlain's victories, both on and off the field of battle. These include early 79 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 15. 80 Chamberlain, as quoted in Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 7. 81 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 8. 20 military accomplishments, as well as earning the trust of his men.82 Foley concludes that Chamberlain was simply a military anomaly, crediting in part his successes to "'good genes'".83 He states that Chamberlain's intellectual prowess and desire for challenge fueled his military success, completely disregarding his development as a leader and person throughout his life.84 His lackluster analysis of Chamberlain's life and development is a discredit to leadership development of future military officers, as his paper clearly misinforms the reader by asserting that Chamberlain was a special instance of innate leadership capability. Chamberlain's preeminence is further celebrated today through monuments erected in his name and image. Intriguingly, these monuments were placed far after the Colonel's death in 1914. The first monument was raised on Veteran's Day, 1997, in Brewer near the Chamberlain home. 85 This monument is placed in a public park that is itself a replica of Little Round Top as well as an homage to the Underground Railroad. Named after Chamberlain, it serves to commemorate his battlefield heroics and those of the Hollyoke House that was an actual part of the railroad.86 It is interesting, noting Chamberlain's unfavorable opinions on voting rights for freedmen, that a memorial to him and his unit are placed at an extremely interesting and important historical site in terms of the Underground Railroad, of which Chamberlain was not involved. Yet, the contributions of the Holyoke Family are overshadowed by Joshua Chamberlain's legacy. It's date of completion, as well as location, are significant 82 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 16. 83 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 30. 84 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 29. 85 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 86 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. Chamberlain Park Statue, Brewer, Maine 21 Chamberlain Statue, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine Maine National Guard Headquarters, Augusta, Maine Chamberlain Post Office, Chamberlain, Maine because it shows that his popularity continued to grow despite his actions having taken place more than 130 years before the monument was placed. The revival of Chamberlain and his exploits in the 1990's can also be explained by he and his unit's stardom in later media. Additionally, Chamberlain retains a second monument in Brunswick on the campus of Bowdoin College. Dedicated in 2003, it is not surprising that the college wanted to commemorate its most notable alumni.87 Yet, this is significant given that the school and its faculty denied his initial requests to serve and slandered him to retain him as a professor. Again, it is notable that almost one hundred years after his death, Bowdoin utilizes the popularity and prestige of Chamberlain's name and likeness to honor him on their campus. Both monuments indicate that Chamberlain's popular memory is alive and thriving in Maine and will be for the foreseeable future. They also indicate that his remembrance has grown in recent years, as these monuments were dedicated in the last twenty-five years. In addition to monuments, his memory lives through his posthumous appointment as the namesake of the Maine National Guard Headquarters in Augusta, dedicated in 2018, as well as an eponymous village in my hometown established sometime in the late 19th century. His legacy is an integral part of Maine's military and political lineage as identified through his idolization by local and state organizations. 87 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brunswick," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 22 It would be absurd to diminish Joshua Chamberlain's importance to the Civil War and the Battle of Gettysburg. His decisive military actions and the courage of his unit earn him the distinction as a great officer in the history of our military. The memory displayed by both the northern and southern soldiery indicates just this and exemplifies his gentlemanly traits that are often noted by popular historians and the public. Yet, these examples do not demonstrate the holistic view of who Chamberlain was during his time on earth, both during and after his service in the war. While he was respected for his gallantry in battle by almost all, historians have regularly neglected or diminished his shortcomings in life. Understanding the totality of historically significant people's life is important because we cannot afford to remember people in a single-faceted sense. When looking back on the past, the public deserve to know the good and the bad about the people they are supposed to admire. A one-dimensional viewpoint on any figure has no benefit except to paint a false reality, one that hides reality in exchange for a rose-colored fallacy. Instead, we should be yearning to investigate the lives of our heroes to learn from both their mistakes and accomplishments. In essence, there is more to learn from the mistakes of others than from their successes. Joshua Chamberlain has rightfully been admired for his heroics in battle, yet his private life seemed secluded, isolated, and rarely discussed. Yet, as of late, writers have begun to acknowledge that the hero of Little Round Top was indeed human, with his own demons that menaced him throughout his life. Accusations of abuse, familial abandonment, and general neglect of those he loved has begun to threaten Chamberlain's legacy. Given these flaws and misdeeds being exhumed, will his reputation, for which he fought vehemently to maintain, be tainted or amended in the coming years? Will the lessons taught in Maine schools feature his military feats, as well as his personal shortcomings? This is a question for historians, both 23 professional and amateur, to answer. We hold the keys to truth through research and analysis, and despite the man's noted contributions to our nation, we also owe a debt to future generations to lay out the entirety of Chamberlain's story, and let our children decide the fate of Maine's famed Colonel. 24 Annotated Bibliography Cunningham, S.A. "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran, 1900. This edition of the Confederate Veteran discusses an encounter between a former Confederate and Gen. Chamberlain years after the war, discussing what happened on the Gettysburg battlefield. The disagreement the two had regarding it, as well as the adjectives used to describe Chamberlain, are interesting and are noted in the paper. "Chamberlain holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal, January 12, 1880. This news article discusses the Maine gubernatorial crisis in 1880 from their point of view. The article talks about Chamberlain being essentially inserted as a military governor, and the fear in the community regarding this. It is used to support research done in other sources. Chamberlain, Joshua. The Passing of the Armies: An Account of the Final Campaign of the Army of the Potomac, Based Upon Personal Reminiscences of the Fifth Army Corps. Lincoln and London, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. Chamberlain's own autobiography is interesting because it was written out of necessity for money. It describes his own experiences of the war and why he believed certain instances occur. This is fascinating because others have differing accounts than he. I did not cite it in the paper, but it is listed in the bibliography. Cuddy, John F. "Training Through Blood and Fire: The Leadership Development of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain." Air Command and Staff College (2015): 2-37. Major Cuddy's essay focuses on Chamberlain's progression as a military leader throughout the war. He states that by modern standards he was a great strategist and soldier yet did not learn at an academy or college. Cuddy advocates for the experiential learning that affected Chamberlain, which he says made him into a great officer. It is used as support for the changing of thought regarding Chamberlain as of late. Desjardin, Thomas A, ed. Joshua L. Chamberlain: A life in Letters: The Previously unpublished letters of a great leader of the Civil War. Harrisburg, PA: National Civil War Museum, 2012. This collection of letters from Chamberlain depicts his personal feeling throughout the war, his gubernatorial years, when he was President of Bowdoin, and throughout his life with his family and colleagues. These primary sources were used when discussing his marital issues, as well as personal feelings during his post-war life. 25 Desjardin, Thomas A. Stand Firm Ye Boys from Maine: The 20th Maine and the Gettysburg Campaign. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995. Desjardin's work focuses exclusively on the Battle of Gettysburg and the actions taken on Little Round Top by the 20th Maine. Most of this book regards the tactics of the battle, but throughout there are personal quotes from soldiers that will be useful, as well as the final two chapters that deal with the immediate memory of the 'Count-on Crisis' and how that affected the remainder of his life. I did not cite this in the paper, but did research it. Foley, Edward B. Ballot Battles; The History of Disputed Elections in the United States. Oxford UK: Oxford University Press, 2016. This book has a chapter devoted to the Maine gubernatorial crisis, which was very hard to find research on. I used this source to provide context on the event and why it occurred, while highlighting the importance of Chamberlain's resulting actions. Foley, Chris M. "Citizen Warrior; Major General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain; A Study in Command." USMC Command and Staff College (2012): 8-32. Foley offers a Marine Corps investigation into Chamberlain, who he was as a person, and his leadership characteristics. Like the other officers' papers on Chamberlain, he agrees that the man was a military genius but tends to agree with Trulock and Pullen that Chamberlain's knowledge was an anomaly. Goulka, Jeremiah E, ed. The Grand Old Man of Maine: Selected Letters of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain 1865-1914. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Goulka's collection of letters fits well with the subject of memory because these letters go from during the war until his death. They discuss in depth his time as governor and the issues regarding his family. They are used to support the secondary source work regarding his life and the events that occurred during it. "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial" Confederate Veteran, 1913. The source is another Confederate viewpoint on the Colonel of the 20th Maine. This, like many, portrays him in a positive light. It is regarding a monument displaying peace between belligerents in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This primary source shows an example of how Confederates and Federal troops viewed him during his life. Hillyard, Fred. "Leadership as a Force Multiplier: The Joshua L. Chamberlain Example." US Army War College (1983): 1-29. This essay is written by an Army officer at the War College. LTC Hillyard discusses Colonel Chamberlain's leadership attributes and if he deserves the high stature he has and still is placed in within the Army. He focuses on how Chamberlain was not a trained soldier, but instead an avid learner who used his ability to absorb knowledge from other professional soldiers. Cuddy's piece on the same subject will support this, and Hillyard's 26 article will be used to further demonstrate Chamberlain's reverence amongst the modern military and changing ideals today. "Indignation in Maine" New York Tribune, December 20, 1879. The New York Tribune article discusses again the situation in 1880 in Maine, but from the outside viewpoint of New Yorkers. It is more of how outsiders view the situation instead of Mainers. "Letter from the State Capital" The Portland Daily Press, August 9, 1862. In my research, this is the first instance I could find discussing then Lt Col Chamberlain and his appointment to the newly designated 20th Maine. It states who the officers and NCOs will be within the unit. It describes Chamberlain in a good light, before he was even in combat, which is important to the research. Maine Civil War Monuments "Brewer." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is the State of Maine website that documents all the monuments within the state. It gives the relevant information regarding when the monument was placed and by whom. I also will include personal photographs of the site in the final Draft. Maine Civil War Monuments. "Brunswick." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is like the prior source, simply a different monument. They serve the same purpose and this one will have a personal photograph as well. Nespitt, Mark, ed. Through Blood & Fire: Selected Civil War Papers of Major General Joshua Chamberlain. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1996. This source will add to primary source collection off Chamberlain through letters but only includes works from 1862-1865. They will be used to express his personal feelings during the war regarding his service, his family, and hopefully any issues within his organization. It is used as supporting documents regarding how he was viewed in his time versus how he is remembered. New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "140th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument at Gettysburg." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry-2/140th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] The site depicts the 140th New York Infantry's monument at Gettysburg, which is a statement itself about the men who fought with the unit. It stands as a simple memorial to those who died, including the regimental commander. 27 New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "44th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry/44th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] This huge castle is dedicated to the fighting men of the 44th New York, who were also alongside the 20th Maine at Little Round Top. It is a superfluous monument, given the fact their role in the battle was overlooked by the heroics of Chamberlain and his men. It has a lengthy inscription, unlike the 44th's, which describes what they did during the battle and how many perished. Both these sources will be used to show that some friendly soldiers harbored at least a little bit of jealousy and resentment for Chamberlain's popularity and recognition when they received little to none. Longacre, Edward G. Joshua Chamberlain: The Soldier and The Man. Conshohocken, PA: Combined Publishing, 1999. This book was one of the more helpful sources. It goes into who Chamberlain was as both a soldier and normal person, which my paper discovers through memory. This source helped me express to the reader who Chamberlain really was and how that relates to his popular portrayal. Also, it is one of the only sources that really questions Chamberlain and asks tough questions of his character and actions. Loski, Diana H. The Chamberlains of Brewer. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1998. Loski's book primarily confers how the entire Chamberlain family came to be, and their relevance throughout history. It not only discusses Joshua and Fanny, but also his brother Tom, his sister, other extended family, and of course his parents. I use it to discuss his familial life, mainly regarding how he abandoned them routinely. Norton, Oliver W. The Attack and Defense of Little Round Top, Gettysburg, July 2, 1863. New York, NY: The Neale Publishing Company, 1913. Norton's piece, while older, gives a lot of valuable insight into the battle itself. While this is important to compare thinking from the past to present, there are other sources that do a better job. I do not cite it in the paper Perry, Mark. Conceived in Liberty: Joshua Chamberlain, William Oates, and the American Civil War. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books Limited, 1997. This is one of the more credible sources regarding Chamberlain and his memory, as it also discusses his adversary on Little Round Top and their parallels. Through this source, we can see how other officers and officials of the time viewed Chamberlain both during and after the war, and more importantly how his foes viewed him. Also, the book discusses some of his actions after the war, how it affected his personal life, and how others perceived him. This is a good source to use to refer to both how people thought about him but also the reality of his actions. Also, it is a beneficial source to see how adversaries thought of him, specifically William Oates who commanded the regiment that opposed him at Little Round Top. 28 Pullen, John J. The Twentieth Maine: A Volunteer Regiment in the Civil War. Philadelphia, PA: J.B Lippincott & Company, 1957. The book provides instances of how he is/was remembered. Mainly this source quotes Oates, Chamberlain's counterpart, but also Chamberlain's soldiers regarding their leader. Because the point of this paper is to focus on memory, this source will be helpful because it has a lot of points regarding how the people he commanded felt about Chamberlain. Smith, Diane Munroe, ed. Fanny and Joshua: The Enigmatic Lives of Frances Caroline Adams and Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1999. Like the Chamberlains of Brewer source, this book will give greater understanding of the relationship of Chamberlain and his wife. Comparing to other sources, I will see if in fact their relationship was strained and if so why. It is mainly letters between the two, accompanied by brief excerpts describing the times and circumstances of the letters. These sources will help determine if his stately appearance was a public rouse or if he was privately a different man. Trulock, Alice Rains. In the Hands of Providence: Joshua L. Chamberlain and the American Civil War. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992. Trulock's work is one of the prolific biographies of Joshua Chamberlain but is claimed by writers like Cuddy and Longacre to be one sided and only include the more cheerful instances in his life. Most of the work puts Chamberlain in a good light by designating him as a marvelous leader who was fair and beloved by his troops. Strangely, she does mention some of his more unsavory actions after the war, as well as explaining his resistance in allowing freedmen to vote. I use this source a multitude of times because the author covers almost every instance of Chamberlain's life. United States Department of Defense. "Medal of Honor Monday." https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. This DoD article discusses Chamberlain as an astute, gentlemanly officer who was a gallant recipient of the Medal of Honor. While this is true, it again is an example of popular memory regarding Chamberlain. He is viewed only through his singular actions, not by a collection of them. Weart, David. The Military Leader. "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain- Leadership in Action," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. Weart's online article does the same as the DoD's. It describes Chamberlain in a single faceted manner and neglects all the instances that made him human like everyone else.

We were able to use the patio on roof of the Richcraftbuilding for our lunches.Here we have Maya Eichler, Lynne Gouliquer, Vincent Rigby,Michael Fejes,* and Peter KasurakThis week, in a joint CDSN-CDAI effort, we held an edited volume workshop on Canadian Civil-Military Relations.  Our aim is to provide a better understanding of the mess that is Canadian civil-military relations.  There really has not been that much work done on the topic although there are plenty of academics studying Canadian defence.  Given that the Canadian military is the largest consumer of discretionary money in the Canadian federal budget, that it is a huge employer, that it consistently makes the news for operations at home (domestic emergencies) and abroad (mostly NATO these days), that the 2% stuff dominates discussions of Canada's foreign policy, and given, yes, that the military has largely been autonomous, perhaps the closest to the model defined by Huntington (yuck) more than 60 years ago, there should be more work in this area.  Why not?  There is the Canadian penalty: academic work that has Canada as its primary case won't get cited that much.  One could argue that Canadian civil-military relations is not that interesting because Canada's military is at no risk of overthrowing the government and is essentially a strategy consumer when it is sent abroad, always as part of a larger effort run by someone else.  Yet, it is really interesting because of something that came up during our conversations: can we title the volume "Crisis in Canadian Civil-Military Relations" when the crisis is enduring, unending, permanent?  Melissa Jennings, the CDSN COO,and Charlotte Duval-LantoineOne of the classic problems in this field of civ-mil relations is: what counts as a crisis?  Since we are talking stable democracies, it is not whether a coup is possible or imminent.  It is more about the severity of the civilians not doing their job of overseeing the military and/or the military not doing what the civilians want.  In the Canadian case, as our volume will eventually argue (it takes a while for academic publishing...), both sides of the civilian-military relationship in Canada are falling short.  Some evidence of that:A former head of the military [Chief of Defence Staff or CDS] pled to obstruction of justice--and the justice he was obstructing involved a multi-decade affair with a subordinate at a time where he was supposed to be reducing sexual misconduct in the CAF.His replacement was suspending due to a credible accusation of sexual assault.  The military investigation (many reviews of military justice found the system to be quite flawed) did not go anywhere since the investigators claimed too many potential witnesses were to drunk at the time to testify later about it.  So, in the big, big, BIG, violation of civil-military relations, that aforementioned officer wrote a letter to all of the generals and admirals in the CAF saying he was exonerated (he wasn't) and he was coming back.  Nope, that was not his call to make. So, that letter did more to get him fired quickly than his original alleged offense.The Minister of Defence at this time said it was not just job to track what was going on with the CDS because that would be politicizing things.  So, yeah, the Minister had one job really and then said it was not his job.The Prime Minister kept around this Minister of Defense despite him having lost all credibility and despite the PM claiming to be a feminist because the minister was good at raising money for the party.  Oh, and that aforementioned effort to address sexual misconduct was after multiple reviews which produced many, many recommendations and precious little implementation.  The Arbour report nicely documents how little tracking there had been of the recommendations.The volume will show that none of this is really that new.  One of my pet peeves in the conversations was the references to civilian control as "interventions" suggesting that they were episodic at best, rather than a continuous management of the armed forces.  In between "interventions" the military was left to its own devices, which often thwarted civilian intent.  So, yeah, I am comfy with the notion of permanent crisis.   The idea of the workshop was to have a group of sharp folks present their draft chapters and then get a heap of feedback from the group.  The aim was both to improve each paper and draw connections among them.  It was a great group including both senior and junior academics, former and active military officers, former government officials from DND and other government agencies, historians and political scientists.  Our goal is to complete the volume this summer and submit it to a press so that it gets out hopefully in 2025. Some of the things I learned or are starting to think about:How much of the expertise outside of the military is still ... military? That is, how many defence historians, for instance, had significant military careers?  One of the few consistent scholars of Canadian civil-military relations, Doug Bland, served for many years inside the CAF.  His work tends to take more seriously the challenges of civilian control of the armed forces, so I wouldn't put him into the protector category.  That I had wildly overestimated the accountability that the Somalia Affair had produced.  My stance had been that Canada had far more accountability as multiple senior folks (Ministers, CDS's) did not last long during the crisis and the relevant unit was disbanded, while Abu Ghraib didn't make much of a difference to the top of the chain of command in the US. That the officer who had led been in charge of the unit that ultimately got disbanded was promoted on his last day in service to brigadier general, which meant not just a higher pension but a lot of back pay.  Quite a signal of impunity that sent.  Quite a middle finger aimed at the civilians.  I suddenly realized the "Decade of Darkness" was not really the shame that the Somalia affair brought on the CAF, but the brief effort by civilians to actually oversee the CAF.  That there is a Foreign Affairs and Defence Adviser in addition to a National Security and Intelligence Adviser. I knew about the latter but not the former.  Says a bit about my ignorance but it also says something about how there is a person in the privy council office whose job it is to coordinate defence stuff and that position has not made much of a dent in any coverage of Canadian defence stuff over the past dozen years or so.  That my least favorite retired general is apparently spending much time cozying up to the leader of the Conservative Party.  While I have been critical of Trudeau and his replacement of Anita Anand with a former police chief, I am guessing that a new government would be far worse for civilian control of the military.   Anyhow, two days of "I love my job" as I really enjoyed learning from these folks even when or especially when they tell me I am wrong.  I love learning and that often means learning that my previous assumptions or understandings or inferences are off target.  The hard part is ahead of us: giving comments to each contributor, revising our own chapters, getting the revisions back, writing a proposal for the press, and hopefully getting this thing done.  I do think this volume will make an important contribution, as Canadian civil-military relations is, indeed, in crisis, and we need to think more about what has gone wrong for so many decades.  Whether the politicians will follow through on our recommendations is a big question and is very much a part of the problem.  * Mike completed his dissertation under my supervision, so in a few days, I get to hood him.  Hopefully, I will not mess it up, as last year, my student was far, far taller than me, and that presented a wee bit of a challenge.

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It has been a very exciting year for social protection! In 2019, my weekly social protection links newsletter reviewed 1042 materials in 43 editions. So here is a personal selection of papers articulated around 10 major themes. Enjoy!

1. Economic and other long-term effects

Daidone et al have a great article summarizing and explaining the economic effects of cash transfers in 7 African countries. Egger et al add another precious data point on the multiplier effects of cash transfers (I counted 12 such points for the moment): in Kenya, every $ injected generates $2.6 in the local economy.

Blattman et al show that after 5 years, a one-off cash grants in Ethiopia has fading effects. Similarly, in Malawi Baird et al estimate that the impact on reduced fertility of an unconditional cash transfers on adolescent girls rapidly vanished.

In Mexico, after 20 years of operations cash transfers ex-beneficiaries showed higher ownership of durable assets (Aguilar et al); 49.2% of them experienced upward mobility (Yaschine et al); they grew 2.8-4.1cm taller and have 5.3-5.7 more years of schooling than their parents (Gutierrez et al), with enrollment in secondary school increasing by 5-10 percentage points over grades 7-12 (Behrman et al). A 10-country review by Millan et al found that the evidence is strong on school completion, more mixed on learning, and limited on employment. Another paper by Millan et al estimate that 13 years after its inception, transfers in Honduras increased secondary education completion by 50%, but also rose the chance of migration by 3-7 percentage points.

2. Health, nutrition and education

Klein et al show that cash transfer participants in Buenos Aires showed higher success rates against tuberculosis (TB); yet Rudgard et al estimate that making transfers "TB-sensitive" would require an additional budget between $165M and $298M per country. Choko et al showed that in Malawi cash plus HIV self-test kits increased HIV anti-retroviral therapy compared to other solutions. Palermo et al find that in Ghana, combining cash and health measures increased enrolment in health insurance in the treatment group from an average of 37.4% to 46.6%.

In Ecuador, Moncayo et al show that a 1% increase in the coverage of cash transfers decreases mortality from malnutrition by about 3%. In Nigeria, Okeke and Abubakar estimate that cash reduced mortality of children in utero by at least 20%. Celhay et al found that cash increased the survival rates of birth cohorts exposed to the program by up to 14.7%. and Dow et al find that in the US, a 10% increase in the Earned Income Tax Credit or in the minimum wage reduces suicides between 3.6 and 5.5%.

In Ghana, Gelli et al found that the national school meals program improved stunting among children of 5-8 years (effect size: 0.12 standard deviations). Neufeld et al on the history of nutrition evidence on cash transfers in Mexico. And a paper by Evans and Yuan shows that girl-targeted versus general interventions in education seem to deliver similar gains, including featuring cash transfers both at the top and bottom among the most effective interventions.

3. Gender

Peterman et al summarize the impacts of safety nets on gender in Africa: safety nets perform well in reducing physical violence as well as improving psychological well-being, dietary diversity and savings. But changes in labor force participation are minimal. In terms of toolkits, FAO produced great guidelines on gender-sensitive cash transfers and public works.

A review of evidence on social assistance and intimate partner violence (IPV) by Hidrobo and Roy shows reductions in physical violence between 25-41% in Bangladesh, Ecuador, and Mali. Another brief by Heise summarizes results from 22 studies across 13 countries.

4. Crime

Tuttle shows that banning convicted drug felons from SNAP food stamps in the United States makes them more likely to return to jail. Sviatschi estimates that in Peru, cash transfers reduced drug production. And in Brazil, Machado et al find that Bolsa reduced homicide rate and hospitalizations due to violence by 8-25%.

5. Crises

Barca and Beazley estimate that it takes between 2 weeks to 14 months to scale up social protection in response to natural disasters. Bruck et al show that a new generation of 7 high-quality evaluations sheds light on social protection in fragile and displacement settings. Cherrier et al produced an excellent compendium on humanitarian-social protection linkages, while Seyfert et examine the trade-offs of integrating refugees into national safety nets.

6. Universality and targeting

A new book by Gentilini et al offers a framework to navigate the analytics, evidence and practices on universal basic income (UBI), while Banerjee et al discuss how UBI may address barriers like lack of credit, insurance or psychological factors among low-income people. Jolliffe et al show that SNAP, the American "floor for the poorest", has been sinking over the past 30 years.

ILO and UNICEF have an overview note on "universal" child grants present in 21 countries, while Kidd and Athias offer a critique of proxy means testing. In Indonesia, Tohari et al estimates that the poverty-based unified database of beneficiaries improved the chance of participating in 3 core programs by 117%, while Bah et al estimate that if all households were included in such database undercoverage would be reduced by one-third. Bonus: Ndiaye et al trace the evolution of the national social registry in Senegal.

7. Insurance and labor markets

Packard et al examines how social protection could be adapted to the changing nature of work, while Jorgensen and Siegel unveil social risk management 2.0. Guven shows that in Africa only 10.6% of Africa's working-age population contributes to pension schemes. The ILO has a fascinating "living document" laying out a number of options disaggregated by occupation.

A review of minimum wages in high-income countries by Dube finds "… muted effect of minimum wages on employment, while significantly increasing the earnings of low paid workers". However, a new compilation of evidence on minimum wage in low and middle-income countries by Neumark and Corella finds that "… when minimum wages are binding and enforced, and when they apply to vulnerable workers, the disemployment effects are most apparent".

8. Tech and financial inclusion

Gelb and Mukherjee take stock of lessons from India's biometric ID (Aadhaar) in providing inclusive services; Masino and Nino-Zarazua show that transitioning to electronic cash payments in Mexico increased households' access to formal financial services. In South Africa, however, Torkelson documents abuses in using cash transfers as loan collateral by a financial company delivering cash itself.

9. Political economy

Hickey et al have an amazing open-access book on the political economy of cash transfers in Africa. Mosec and Mo found that in Pakistan those receiving BISP cash transfers increased support for their political leaders and institutions, while in typhoon-hit Fiji Rios et al show that people receiving cash transfers are up to 20% more likely to be very satisfied with the government than non-recipients. In Brazil and Turkey, Zucco et al show that conditional transfers are only marginally more popular than similar unconditional transfers. Ciminelli et al find that reforms generating large short-term adverse distributional effects are associated with electoral costs for politicians. In Mexico, Cantu documents that cash-vouchers to be used in local supermarkets were provided in exchange for electoral support.

10. Cash plus and cash versus….

In Bihar, Khemani et al asked whether people prefer cash or other services: only 13% chose cash instead of spending on public health and nutrition; in contrast, if cash came in lieu of improving roads, preference for cash rose to 35% (see counter views). In Mozambique, De Walque and Valente compare the effects of a conditional cash transfer program with the sole provision of information to parents on school attendance: information provision is as large as 75% of the effect of the CCT.

Two papers – one on Ghana by Banerjee et al and another on Uganda by Sedlmayr et al – points to the power of combining cash transfers with assets and complementary measures (as opposed to individual components). Also, Carneiro et al evaluate an integrated cash program for 3,600 mothers in Northern Nigeria: after 2-4 years, the program reduced stunting by 8%. Bonus: Bedoya et al show that a package of transfers and assets in Afghanistan increased consumption by 30% and poverty fell from 82 to 62%.

















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Ugo Gentilini
Global Lead for Social Assistance, World Bank
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Capacity development through agricultural training is a proven approach to enhance the management skills of small-scale farmers in developing countries, aiming to increase their standard of living in the long run. Yet, little is known about their preferences for different types of agricultural training as well as the impact of trainers' qualification on participants' learning success and satisfaction. Moreover, modern information and communication technologies are increasingly promoted as means to spread agricultural knowledge because of their large technical possibilities, wide coverage, and high exchange rate of information. In particular, the use of smartphones is discussed as a new way to train farmers in developing countries. However, the drivers of small-scale farmers' intention to use smartphones still seem largely under-explored. Besides modern technologies, innovation platforms also called learning alliances are another method to develop farmers' capacities, where all stakeholders involved into agricultural production try to solve problems and improve the value added for everybody. Yet, frameworks to evaluate these alliances are rare. Against this background, this dissertation presents four papers, which focus on capacity development from small-scale farmers' perspectives regarding their preferences, intentions to use smartphones, learning success, satisfaction and trust. Capacity development in agriculture still follows standardised top-down models driven by the public sector in most developing countries. In contrast, in industrialised countries training activities are increasingly privatised and service provision demand-driven. This is due to the increasing specialisation and industrialisation of agricultural production in recent decades. The trend is prompting researchers and other stakeholders to re-think the contextual fit of capacity development models whereby small-scale farmers in developing countries are passive knowledge recipients rather than holders of traditional know-how and capacities that can be exploited and further developed in customised training. To analyse this research gap, paper one examines the preferences of small-scale farmers for agricultural training with respect to training method, trainer, duration and location of training, and additional offers. A discrete choice experiment was conducted with 664 randomly selected farmers in Bihar state, India, in 2016. The data obtained are analysed using a mixed logit model in a willingness-to-pay space, including analyses for different subgroups. Based on their particular willingness-to-pay for the studied attributes, the analysis depicts small-scale farmers' preference for training activities that include demonstrations, additionally offered inputs (seeds, fertilisers, credit) and an academic trainer. The second paper builds on the findings of the first paper and focuses on trainers' qualification. Within capacity development, the type and quality of the trainer play a crucial role in promoting farmers' capacity, which is underlined by the results of our first paper. Whilst several studies have addressed the identification of farmers' capacity development preferences, few have investigated the relationship between trainer qualification, learning success and satisfaction of participants. Hence, the main purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between trainers' qualification and learning success as well as satisfaction of small-scale farmers. Moderated mediation analysis is utilised to measure the influence of direct and indirect effects through trainers' qualification on learning success and satisfaction. In this framework, psychological and relevant proven constructs from the Theory of Planned Behaviour are taken into account: attitude and perceived control operate as mediators, subjective norm acts as moderator, and gender and age are considered as covariates. This framework is applied on primary survey data from 217 farmers collected in Bihar state, India, in December 2016, by the use of a structured questionnaire. The results show no difference in the degrees of satisfaction among farmers related to trainers' qualification. However, learning success decreases with an academically educated trainer. The change of attitude during the training has a significant positive effect on satisfaction. Subjective norms also affect the participants' satisfaction positively. With respect to the theories used, the results indicate that the behavioural constructs are relevant in the field of agricultural education and extension to explain participants' satisfaction. Theoretical implications can be drawn regarding the improvement of this conceptual framework and other related studies. Besides the trainer, also the method of training is important, whereby the smartphone is one possible device and method to transfer knowledge. The use of smartphones is increasingly supported by non-governmental organisations as well as governmental institutions as a modern information and communication technology to spread agricultural information. However, uptake of the smartphone usage in agriculture is still relatively low in developing countries. Up to now, psycho-economic drivers of farmers' adoption behaviour are mostly not taken into account, or the stakeholders are unaware of the possible importance of non-monetary factors. The aim of the third paper is to identify and quantify drivers of farmers' adoption behaviour through the development of a complex conceptual framework, based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour and its further advances. This framework is applied to primary survey data from 664 farmers collected in Bihar state, India, in 2016, using a structured questionnaire. The results of a partial least squares analysis indicate that subjective norms, attitude, self-control, as well as positive and even negative emotions exert positive influences on the intention to use a smartphone for agricultural purposes. With these results, the paper extends the academic literature through new conceptual insights and provides application-oriented implications for stakeholders, such as non-governmental organisations, extension services and research institutes. Another approach to strengthen small-scale farmers' capacities is to use multi-stakeholder innovation systems or learning platforms, such as the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance. However, tools for the evaluation of multi-stakeholder innovation systems are rare so far. The fourth paper reports the application of a conceptual framework to evaluate multi-stakeholder innovation systems using the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance in this paper. The assessment focuses on the business relationship constructs of trust and capacity development. In total, 90 survey interviews of producer organisations, 20 in-depth interviews, and six focus group discussions were collected from agribusiness stakeholders linked with the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance and from a control group of stakeholders involved with other networks. The quantitative data were analysed through factor and regression analyses. Results from the quantitative analyses were triangulated with qualitative data. The analysis shows that the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance has been successful in developing smallholder farmers' capacities as a result of trust developed through its dedicated project managers. Nonetheless, the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance has not been more successful at developing agribusiness capacities among Nicaraguan farmers than other networks with the same goals. Results from this study point to the need for facilitating more interactions between the different networks of farmers' cooperatives and organisations with other stakeholders already active within the Nicaraguan agrifood innovation system. Based on the results of the four presented paper a series of practical recommendations for training activities apply. One of those is to combine the strength of an expert trained on-the-job as the main trainer with an academically educated trainer. The academic trainer could be integrated directly in some parts of the training activities or via modern technologies such as videos or smartphones. This seems to be the most promising approach with respect to the farmers preferences and in order to achieve the greatest learning success and satisfaction of the participants. Furthermore, by the usage of modern information and communication technologies the effectiveness of the training could also be increased. Besides the professional background of the trainer, it is important that trainers gain qualifications in teaching methods and other soft skills. With respect to modern information and communication technologies like smartphones, our results indicate that presenting trainers and later farmers with the various possibilities of smartphones and creating a positive image of these technologies could help to reinforce the willingness to adopt this new method of communication for agricultural purposes. Hereby, also the social environment needs to be addressed, for example within the training. Smartphones cannot replace direct contact, but their importance regarding capacity development will increase rapidly as previous developments in mobile phone use have shown. These findings provide politicians and other stakeholders with tangible recommendations to improve their training programmes. Ultimately this could make capacity development more attractive and therefore more likely to be attended by small-scale farmers in the short and long-term. These consequences in return could have further implications for the agricultural productivity and poverty reduction.

IN CROATIAN: Polazište ove analize je saznanje kako se svaka generacija mladih suočava s izazovom optimalne integracije u društvo u kojem žive, a ta se integracija promatra kao uspjeh u društvu. Stoga su u istraživačkom fokusu mladi i njihova percepcija faktora važnih za uspjeh pojedinca u suvremenom hrvatskom društvu te promjene koje su se u tom pogledu zbivale posljednjih 15-ak godina. Razmatranje faktora uspjeha smješteno je u širi kontekst vrijednosti mladih i njihove percepcije nekih aspekata društvene realnosti zajedno s promjenama koje su se dogodile na tom planu. Za usporedbu se koriste rezultati istraživanja provedenih 1999., 2004. i 2013. godine na uzorcima mladih iz cijele Hrvatske. Longitudinalno praćenje vrijednosti mladih potvrdilo je stabilnost njihova vrijednosnog sustava čiji vrh trajno zauzimaju vrijednosti privatnosti, samosvojnosti, materijalnog položaja i profesionalnog uspjeha. Pretpostavljeno je da tim vrijednostima odgovaraju životni ciljevi čije ostvarenje predstavlja glavne elemente društvenog uspjeha mladih. Kao najveći problem hrvatskog društva permanentno je percipirana nezaposlenost uz porast isticanja mita i korupcije, a kao aktere rješavanja društvenih problema mladi najviše ističu stručnjake i intelektualce, vlastitu generaciju te političare i političke stranke. Nezaposlenost je trajno percipirana i kao najveći problem mlade generacije čemu se u novije vrijeme pridružilo često navođenje važnosti "veza", a ne sposobnosti i stručnosti te nedostatak životne perspektive i nizak životni standard. Za rješavanje generacijskih problema mladi najviše odgovornosti adresiraju na roditelje, same sebe, Vladu i obrazovni sustav. Unutar naznačenog vrijednosnog i društvenog okvira zbivale su se indikativne promjene u percepciji okolnosti važnih za uspjeh u hrvatskom društvu. Sažeto rečeno, dok su koncem 1990-ih na vrhu ljestvice faktora društvenog uspjeha bila stečena znanja i sposobnosti, profesionalna odgovornost i zalaganje na radu, poštenje, pravednost i korektan odnos prema drugima te povoljan stjecaj okolnosti, 2013. godine na prva četiri mjesta, uz povoljan stjecaj okolnosti, izbile su osobne i obiteljske veze i poznanstva, lukavost, promućurnost i "snalažljivost" te osobno i obiteljsko bogatstvo. Indikativno je kako od općeg trenda pada isticanja velike važnosti svih promatranih okolnosti odudaraju politička podobnost, za koju je zabilježen kontinuirani rast isticanja važnosti, te podmićivanje utjecajnih osoba (korupcija) koje je ostalo na razini dosegnutoj još 2004. godine. Potonji uvidi su osobito indikativni kada se promatraju u kontekstu normativno demokratskog i višestranačkog sustava u kojem se vodi bitka protiv korupcije, a realno dominacije partitokracije i pripadajućeg klijentelističkog obrasca ponašanja te nedjelotvornosti pravosudnih institucija u sankcioniranju koruptivnih (ne)djela. Sve navedeno provocira i djelomice daje odgovore na pitanje što je u očima mladih pridonijelo dezavuiranju važnosti osobnih kompetencija, sposobnosti i vještina uz istodobno jačanje važnosti nepotizma i ponašanja koja balansiraju na rubu zakona, uključujući i korupciju. Može se pretpostaviti da su ustanovljene tendencije uvjetovane dosadašnjim načinom funkcioniranja društvenih institucija i aktera te kriznim procesima u kojima mnogi potrebni resursi postaju nedostupniji a aspiracije teže ostvarive pa u zaoštrenoj konkurenciji na cijeni dobivaju dobra umreženost i promućurnost, a gubi izvrsnost i trud. Rezultat svega toga je da mnogi mladi smatraju kako su meritokratski mehanizmi socijalne promocije diskreditirani jer nepotizam, klijentelizam, korupcija i izvrdavanje zakonskih normi puno više jamče uspjeh u društvu nego pouzdanje u vlastita znanja, vještine i sposobnosti, odgovorno i stručno obavljanje posla te pravedno, pošteno i korektno ponašanje. To svakako pridonosi širenju osjećaja besperspektivnosti među mladima na što ukazuju i promjene u njihovu viđenju osobne i društvene budućnosti koje pokazuju kako je opao osjećaj optimizma i porastao osjećaj pesimizma, posebice u pogledu budućnosti društva. Otuda je logično očekivati kako takvi trendovi mogu generirati daljnje urušavanje povjerenja mladih u društvene institucije i aktere. A to izaziva bojazan kako će u potrazi za sve neizvjesnijom boljom budućnošću mladi biti prisiljeni sve više se oslanjati na one individualne resurse i strategije koje će ih nastaviti udaljavati od meritokratskih načela društvenog uspjeha. --- IN ENGLISH: The starting point of this analysis is the awareness that every generation of youth faces the challenge of optimal integration into the society in which they live, and this integration is seen as social success. Therefore, the focus of the research are young people and their perception of the factors important for the success of an individual in contemporary Croatian society and the changes that have occurred in this respect in the last 15 years. The analysis of success factors is put in the broader context of young people's values and their perception of some aspects of social reality together with the changes that have occurred in that respect. The results of the research conducted on the samples of youth from across Croatia in 1999, 2004 and 2013 are used for comparison. The longitudinal monitoring of young people's values confirmed the stability of their value system, which permanently peaks at the values of privacy, autonomy, material status and professional success. It is assumed that these values correspond to life goals whose achievement represents the main elements of the social success of youth. Unemployment is permanently perceived as the biggest problem of the Croatian society with an increase in pointing out bribery and corruption, while the youth mostly indicate experts and intellectuals, their own generation, and politicians and political parties as actors of solving social problems. Unemployment is permanently perceived as the biggest problem of the young generation as well, which has in more recent times become accompanied with the frequent mentioning of the importance of "connections", and not qualifications and competences, as well as the lack of life perspective and the low living standard. For solving generational problems, the youth hold parents, themselves, the Government and the educational system most responsible. Within the indicated value and social framework, there have been indicative changes in the perception of circumstances important for achieving success in the Croatian society. In short, while in the end of 1990s the top positions on the scale of social success factors were marked by acquired knowledge and skills, professional accountability and commitment to work, honesty, fairness and correct attitude toward others, as well as favourable circumstances, in 2013 the first four places were reached by personal and family connections and contacts, shrewdness, astuteness and "resourcefulness", as well as personal and family wealth, together with favourable circumstances. It is indicative that political loyalty, for which a continuous increase in pointing out its importance has been observed, and bribing influential people, which has remained at its level reached in 2004, stand out from the general decreasing trend of pointing out the major importance of all the observed circumstances. The latter insights are especially indicative when observed in the context of a normatively democratic and multiparty system in which a battle against corruption is fought, while in reality in the context of partitocracy dominance and the associated clientelistic pattern of conduct and the ineffectiveness of judicial institutions in sanctioning corruptive (mis)conducts. All this provokes and partly answers to the question of what has, from the perspective of youth, contributed to diminishing of the importance of personal competencies, qualifications and skills, with simultaneous strengthening of the importance of nepotism and behaviors balancing on the margins of law, including corruption. It can be assumed that the detected tendencies are conditioned by the way in which social institutions and actors have functioned so far, and by the crisis processes in which many of the necessary resources become less accessible and the aspirations more difficult to achieve, and therefore, in the circumstances of intensified competition, a well-established network of contacts and astuteness gain in value, while excellence and hard work lose. The result of all this is that many young people find meritocratic mechanisms of social promotion discredited due to the fact that nepotism, clientelism, corruption and breaching of legal norms guarantee social success to a much greater extent than relying on one's own knowledge, skills and abilities, responsibility and professionalism at work, as well as just, fair and correct behavior. This certainly contributes to spreading the feeling of lack of prospects among young people, as evidenced by the changes in their perception of personal and social future, which indicate the decline of the feeling of optimism and the growth of the feeling of pessimism, especially with regard to the future of society. Hence, it is logical to expect such trends to generate further collapse of the trust that the youth have in social institutions and actors. And this causes concern that youth, in seeking better future, which is becoming increasingly uncertain, will be forced to rely more and more on those individual resources and strategies that will continue distancing them from the meritocratic principles of social success.

SDM of Countryside process SDA Capital Property of People (Economic Study of Politics Policy Of Alokatif Orient Nationality) Problem of Resident Wild Countryside Gold-Mine and Clear Away Forest. Pursuant to result of paradigm analysis policy of alokatif in this research, economic study of case politics resident of countryside mineworker of wild gold (mining illegal) and forest clear away (illegal loging) in north Sulawesi. Referred as by central government of illegal and fought against by because bothering policy of program contract central government sharing holder masterpiece with foreign investor mining of and gold of HPH (result of processing of forest). After traced to be checked exhaustively come up with its problems root is found that; the root cause becoming problems root is laying in formula formulasi of ratio State capital, opportunity and advantage becoming policy of alokatif in system planning of played the part of APBN tanunan and specified by President, DPR, Bapenas and of kementrian. That in formulasi formulation of policy of alokatif, SDA and of SDM [do] not be viewed as by capital at mechanism rencara of APBN annual. As a result 50% capital properties of State of SDA taken by exit by foreign investor through policy of program sharing holder system alokatif contract masterpiece, 50% capital properties of State of SDA which is acceptance by central government become used expense finished in annual APBN makanisme. So that construction of APBN every year always in a state of empty budget deficit of productive capital, having an effect on negative to condition of political economy always in keadan before crisis and slowly reach its top happened national economic recession and later; then bother political stability, case example of when the fall of old order and of erde new. Capital properties of state Ought to SDA dug by self by our SDM later;then its result have to be defended as capital as according to economic principle, capital in mechanism expense rotation of APBN formulated annual to yield advantage, later;then advantage taken as expense finished wear. So that capital properties of State which have been dug remain to be intact on-hand government, and stepped-up mount rhythm with make-up of prosperity of people flatten by itself, because capital properties of SDA dug by sharing holder people with government, people also get rotation capital, thereby capital properties of SDA State remain to be intact in political economy rotation, expanding to have continuation become rich State of capital in rich governmental artian and rich people flattened. Become strength of tatanan economic of self-supporting and permanent national politics, APBN shall no longger depend on foreign investor or foreign capital.Formula policy of alokatif by delivering foreign investor or foreign capital only enriching foreigner, because capital properties of their State dredge up some of becoming property of them. Sachs & Warner, Todaro, Kosack in Ahmad E.Y., (2009), telling there is no Nations evidence expand world develop;build its economics with foreign investor or foreign capital becoming byword have gone forward and is rich, in general remain to be impecunious, national income depend on that foreign investor and trapp overseas debt, so that become rich Nations patient as previous pendonor aim to help.Result of research qualitative which I execute in the year 1995 hitting impact policy of program contract masterpiece central government of mining of and gold of HPH (result of processing of forest) by take careing foreign in north Sulawesi, becoming elementary evidence result of the analysis above, result of research of menunjukan that policy of alokatif, do not have the character of and ditributif of redistributive to resident of didesa-desa in north Sulawesi. Malahan removed from previous farm of their place of gold-mine and process forest wood. And because resident of countryside there is no other choice of work to fulfill requirement of everyday life, so that they perforced to continue it him till now, volunteer accept risk. This problem have endless since new order hitherto long draw out, so that push me to continue research to find concept solve problem. For the purpose of and target of this, research continued in the year 1999, entitling is: In perpective of Human Resource in Rural In Ell Natural Resources and Environment. Result of research of menunjukan that in the reality; what referred as by central government of mineworker of wild gold and clear away of that forest is resident of countryside having technique readyness and ability of tibean, owning appliance produce tibean, powered of productive performance, efficient and effective in process SDA forest wood and gold. They is SDM countryside termpil ready for use, ought to in viewing as capital properties of State in formulation of policy of alokatif. this Research evidence if compared to result of gold production, Skillful SDM of that countryside by take careing is foreign of great Minahasa Newmont, hence skillful SDM of countryside of menghasikan 150 gold singk of perminggu (working team sample 200 people), while take careing is foreign of Newmont yield 100 gold singk of perminggu, clear result of production of SDM skillful of superordinate. In north Sulawesi there are 25.598 people mineworker of gold, 3.482 people processor of wood result of forest, operating on regional farm of forest for the width of 1.660.000 Ha. Pursuant to fact in this research is found by concept "Tibean'' name of appliance produce wise gold of local resident of sub-province countryside of Bolaang north Sulaewsi mongondow, containing meaning of SDM countryside termpil is capital properties of State, having technical ability, owning production appliance, powered of productive kenerja, efficient and effective in process SDA, ready for use in process wood and gold result of forest, representing State capital which must be powered.In line with and utilize research develop theory later;then find new theory or concept to solve problem resident of wild gold-mine countryside and wood merambah result of forest as victim policy of alokkatif. Conception controlled by important tibean of its scope performance setting of him in time and room proceed as which the existence of is productive. Defended and developed will become model enableness of SDM countryside termpil in policy of alokatif process SDA gold mineral through research program with title : Approach Of Concept of Tibean In Enableness Of Skillful SDM of Countryside Process SDA As Authorized Capital Prosperity of People.Idea and idea Enableness Of Skillful SDM of Countryside Socialization to resident of government and countryside will become enableness model since early research of year 1995, inwrought dilasanakan with stages;steps process research of continuation at region of obyek and of focus research which have been determined as research sampel with resident of regional countrysides of National Park of Dumoga Bone Sub-Province of Bolaang Monondow. Result of socialization, resident understand citizen rights and obligations exploit SDA which pursuant to constitution commendation of UUD 1945, resident agree to struggle with conception diterimah tibean become program of kibijakan gold natural resources allocation and wood result of forest. Is to be dialogued and discussion with resident of government and countryside in District of Dumoga Center organization structure Co-Ordinate Reform of Dumoga Bone (PKRDB) in the year 1999, countryside office of Imandi. Start since then society of Dumoga claim government through lobby and demonstration is so that given by opportunity of gold-mine and process forest cane and wood with sharing holder system with government like [at] program of konrak masterpiece. demand of Diterimah in the year 2001 by government of Sub-Province of Bolaang Mongodow with government of Province Sulawesi North, given by region for the width of 305 Ha countryside of Toraut national park area as region for example conception Tibean at the same time await decision of central government. Pemeritah Center as owner of authority promise will be processed by since year 2001, hitherto there is no realization because actor maker of policy, politician and bureaucracy as determinant of owner of decision, orient idea in taking policy of resource allocation still handcuffed with program contract masterpiece with foreign investor. So that process struggle of concept of tibean remain to be continued by socialization to get political support through political process succeed.Keyword: Legality of SDM Skillful of Countryside