Suchergebnisse

A penetrating account of the impacts of risk on everyday life - combining a theoretically informed overview of the regulation of crime and security in the modern world, with a critical evaluation of the efficacy of competing perspectives on risk, and an authoritative appraisal of the place of risk within the social sciences.

This book examines the forces that shape psychoactive drug use. The approach, informed by poststructuralist semiotics, culture, phenomenology and contemporary theories of affect, illuminates the connections between drugs, bodies, space, economy and crime.

Résumé Le cinéaste allemand, Veit Harlan, fut le seul cinéaste à être jugé pour « crimes contre l'humanité ». Le 15 juillet 1948, quatre juristes allemands déposèrent plainte devant la Haute Coure de Justice de Hambourg, indignés qu'il ait été blanchi par la commission de dénazification. C'est en particulier à la réalisation, en 1940, du « Juif Süss » qu'Harlan dût son accusation. Le cas est d'autant plus remarquable que le « Juif Süss » est une fiction. Un film peut-il être criminel et en quel sens ? D'une part, l'article présente les conditions historiques de la réalisation de ce film et de la mise en accusation d'Harlan pour complicité de crimes contre l'humanité, avec comme élément comparatif, le cas d'un autre cinéaste de propagande nazie, Fritz Hippler, par ailleurs directeur de la Chambre du Film et capitaine SS. Au-delà de ces cas exemplaires, l'article interroge d'autre part les rapports complexes entre l'éthique et l'esthétique : quelle « leçon » pouvons-nous tirer du cas Veit Harlan, réalisateur d'un film, Le Juif Süss, jug comme tel, de « criminel » ?

La problemática de la reparación de los actos criminales ejercidos por representantes del Estado contra su propia población ha cobrado un impulso sin precedentes tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Desde entonces, programas de diverso alcance han configurado intentos por reparar a las víctimas de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos perpetradas durante dictaduras militares o conflictos internos en diversas latitudes. En este paradigma se inscribe esta presentación, cuyo objetivo principal consiste en describir y analizar los lineamientos a partir de los cuales se ha abordado hasta el momento la reparación de los crímenes de Estado. La intención que guía este análisis es identificar sus alcances y limitaciones para construir a partir de una mirada crítica sobre los mismos un marco teórico para la comprensión de la problemática de la reparación. Para ello, se situará la reparación en el marco de la consolidación de la perspectiva de las víctimas, cuyo punto más álgido de desarrollo lo constituye la concepción de reparación integral. Dado que en ese escenario se sitúa la perspectiva de la justicia transicional, que ha hegemonizado los desarrollos relativos al campo de las reparaciones en las últimas décadas, serán analizados sus postulados principales, profundizando en las múltiples tipologías que se han construido desde la justicia transicional para categorizar las medidas tendientes a la reparación. Para finalizar, se presentarán algunas conclusiones preliminares que deberán ser retomadas en futuros trabajos como puntos de partida para la elaboración de un marco conceptual que permita profundizar la comprensión de la reparación. ; The problem of repairing criminal acts pursued by representatives of the State against its own population has gained an unprecedented momentum after the Second World War. Since then, programs of varying scope have configured attempts to repair the victims of serious human rights violations perpetrated during military dictatorships or internal conflicts throughout the world. This presentation is part of this paradigm, whose main objective is to describe and analyze the guidelines from which the reparation of State crimes has been addressed up to now. The intention that guides this analysis is to identify its scope and limitations in order to construct, from a critical view of them, a theoretical framework for the understanding of the problem of reparation. Reparation will be placed within the framework of the consolidation of the perspective of the victims, whose highest point of development is the concept of integral reparation. Given that the perspective of transitional justice, which has hegemonized the developments related to the field of reparations in the last decades, is situated in this scenario, its main postulates will be analyzed, deepening in the multiple typologies that have been constructed from transitional justice to categorize the measures tending to repair. To conclude, some preliminary conclusions will be presented that should be taken up in future work as starting points for the elaboration of a conceptual framework that allows deepening the understanding of reparation.

Although numerous theories suggest that voluntary organizations contribute to lower crime rates in neighborhoods, the evidence for this proposition is weak. Consequently, we propose a dynamic perspective for understanding the relationship between voluntary organizations and neighborhood crime that involves longitudinal analyses and the measurement of the age of organizations. By using longitudinal data on a sample of census blocks (N = 87,641) located across 10 cities, we test the relationship between age‐graded measures of different types of voluntary organizations and neighborhood crime rates. We use fixed‐effects negative binomial regression models that focus on change within neighborhoods of the relationship between voluntary organizations and neighborhood crime. Our results show that although each type of voluntary organization is found to exhibit crime‐reducing behavior in neighborhoods, we find that many of them are consistent with what we refer to as the "delayed impact scenario"—there is a pronounced delay between the placement of a voluntary organization and a neighborhood subsequently experiencing a reduction in crime. With protective effects of organizations typically not demonstrated until several years after being in the neighborhood, these patterns suggest a need for long‐term investment strategies when examining organizations.

The history of the federal involvement in violent crime frequently is told as one of entrepreneurial or opportunistic action by presidential administrations and Congress. The problem with this story, however, is that it treats state and local governments as objects of federal initiatives, not as independent agents. Appreciating that state and local governments courted and benefited from the federal interest is important for understanding the past two decades, but also for understanding the institutional strains created by the absolute priority the feds have given to counterterrorism since September 11, 2001. Intergovernmental relations are at a crossroads. For two decades, the net costs of the federal interaction with state and local governments on crime have been absorbed nationally, with the benefits felt locally. The federal commitment to terrorism prevention and the roles federal authorities envision for state and local agencies portend a very different dynamic, with reduced federal funding for policing and an inherent tension between domestic intelligence collection and street crime enforcement, particularly in urban areas with a high proportion of immigrants.

Over the past two decades, the armed forces have increasingly been asked to take an active role in the fight against the rampant crime in Latin America. Since the militaries in this region are not always trained to conduct themselves with restraint, the possibility of excesses and human rights violations is always latent. Despite that prospect, there is a high level of public support for military counter-crime interventions throughout the region. The key argument in this article is that when the Latin American public supports military interventions to combat crime, it makes a comparative judgment call about the relative efficacy of military vs. police conduct in domestic security roles. Latin American citizens have very low confidence in the capacity of the police to fight crime effectively and to respect human rights. They place more trust in the armed forces as an institution capable of performing effectively and in accordance with human rights standards and the rule of law. This study develops these arguments in greater detail and then turns to recent Americas Barometer surveys that clearly show that Latin American citizens place more trust in the armed forces than the police as an institution capable of effectively and humanely fighting criminal violence.