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National audience ; Relegation, the Market and the De-Activation of Communist Militancy Observing the transformations of the French communist party from an ethnological investigation in the north of France, the author uses it to analyse changes in politics. The article sets out, firstly, to show the contradictory manner in which, at a national level, the PCF integrates market ideologies. It then aims to define the double process of singularisation and market normalisation which appears as a local response to the framework through which the market is expressed. Finally it shows how the disconnection of the communist party and the world of labour is occurring in parallel with its falling back on municipal governance. Relegation through the market constitutes the salient process which leads to concluding comments on some aspects of the current contradictions of politics that are expressed notably in the paradoxical injunction of democracy: simultaneously disavowed and set up alongside the market as a globalised norm. ; Observant les transformations du parti communiste français à partir d'une enquête ethnologique dans le nord de la France, l'auteur le constitue analyseur des mutations du politique. L'article s'attache d'abord à montrer comment le PCF au niveau national intègre de manière contradictoire les idéologies du marché. Il tente ensuite de cerner le double processus de singularisation et de normalisation marchande qui se présente comme réponse locale au cadre d'expression du marché. Enfin il montre comment la déconnexion du parti communiste et de la sphère du travail s'opère parallèlement à son repli sur la gouvernance municipale. La relégation par le marché constitue le processus saillant qui permet de conclure sur quelques aspects des contradictions actuelles du politique qui s'expriment notamment dans l'injonction paradoxale de la démocratie : simultanément désavouée et érigée au côté du marché en une norme globalisée.

In this article, we offer insights into the plurality of interest groups' strategic responses to the socially, politically, and economically transformative phenomenon of democratic backsliding. For the purpose of the article, the term "ideational plurality" has been coined to refer to a plurality of interest groups' ideas leading their activities in general and their choice of strategies concerning the government in particular (attitudinal and behavioural aspects). Two policy fields and two types of interest groups engaged in an institutionalised social partnership - advocacy NGOs (operating in the environmental policy field) and economic groups (trade unions) - are studied comparatively in Slovenia using a mixed‐methods approach. The key findings are that strategic responses to democratic backsliding vary between environmental NGOs and trade unions, as do their ideational plurality, and that environmental NGOs' ideational plurality damages their potential to struggle against democratic backsliding. In contrast, trade unions' ideational homogeneity enables them to jointly struggle against governmental destruction of one significant segment of democratic order (institutions of social partnership) without demanding that the government step down for misusing the Covid‐19 pandemic to establish a system of governance that resonates with Viktor Orbán's ideas of illiberal democracy.

This contribution highlights the relevance of biographical research for the economic sociology of the healthcare system. In particular, the economy of conventions could be enriched by an approach that is suitable for studying the actors of economic coordination as well as for analyzing the significance of economic knowledge within the framework of specific conventions. This contribution is based on an exploratory study on the economization of the healthcare system in Switzerland. Biographical interviews were conducted with 14 influential experts and senior managers. The careers of four physicians with a strong vocation to influence the public healthcare system are presented. In the concluding discussion, the findings are compared with economic sociology research on the healthcare system in the US and France. The conclusion states that the biographical perspective brings additional aspects into light that are not taken into account by more traditional concepts and methods of economic sociology.

Until now, there has been little scholarly analysis of the Soviet Gulag as an economic, social, and political institution, primarily owing to a lack of data. This collection presents the results of years of research by Western and Russian scholars. The authors provide both broad overviews and specific case studies as they examine * The various forms of coercion and the channels through which coerced labor was distributed under Stalinism's heyday, from the late 1930s to the early 1950s * Why the Gulag emerged and its perceived economic rationale * The chronology of the Gulag from the first major projects such as the White Sea Baltic Canal to the unfinished plans of the 1950s * The day-to-day costs of maintaining the Gulag and the great hidden cost of coercion the loss of productivity

Recent research concludes fighting or losing an interstate war is not costlier for democratic leaders than dictators, which implies most of our institutional explanations for differences in conflict behavior across regime type rest on empirically tenuous assumptions. I argue military mobilization, a fundamental but often overlooked aspect of war, should be costlier for democrats than dictators. Waging interstate war is associated with higher military spending and, often, lower social spending. Variation across regime type in the representation of the general public, civilian elite, and military in leaders' winning coalitions should make democrats more likely than dictators to lose power given wartime patterns of government spending. This argument finds support during the period from 1950 to 2001. My findings provide microfoundations for a number of existing empirical results and suggest that differences in the conflict behavior of democracies and dictatorships should be largest when waging war requires a significant mobilization effort.

Common sense and philosophy are arguing about the interpretation of Machiavelli's works. The first one accuses him of being even worse than a sophist, because his historical part would have been to inoculate perversity in political practice and theory. Whereas the second one claims that he would be one of the first builders of modern political science, who would have thought with lucidity the conditions of reasons of State. At first, we try to defend the pertinency of those interpretations, which bring to light, both, a fundamental aspect of Machiavellian's lessons: the necessity, on the one hand, of "getting into the evil" in politics, in order to rise the society out of anomie, and, on the other hand, the impossibility for the subject who resolves to do it of being well-intentioned and well-advised. The subject of Machiavellianism, indeed, is in a relation of strangeness to the objective institution of State and to universal; he wants and thinks his "stato", and not the State. Paradoxically, however, it is because he is endowed with malignity that he can take part in the effectiveness of right. We then try to show how Machiavelli strove to solve this paradox. His originality consists in not relying on the idealistic requisites of practical reason: neither those of social morality nor those of consequentialist ethics. From a materialistic perspective, he opts for an equivocal advice addressed to a plurality of recipients; narrow-minded recipients, with opposite appetites, but able to restrain and to enhance one another, in spite of themselves. Our thesis, finally, is that the "republic" performatively activated by his advice is a non-Hegelian state, an ecological balance order between socio-political powers of different but paired species. ; Le sens commun et la philosophie se disputent la signification qu'il convient de donner à l'œuvre de Machiavel. Le premier l'accuse d'être pire qu'un sophiste car son rôle historique serait d'avoir inoculé la perversité dans la théorie et la pratique politiques. La seconde ...

Common sense and philosophy are arguing about the interpretation of Machiavelli's works. The first one accuses him of being even worse than a sophist, because his historical part would have been to inoculate perversity in political practice and theory. Whereas the second one claims that he would be one of the first builders of modern political science, who would have thought with lucidity the conditions of reasons of State. At first, we try to defend the pertinency of those interpretations, which bring to light, both, a fundamental aspect of Machiavellian's lessons: the necessity, on the one hand, of "getting into the evil" in politics, in order to rise the society out of anomie, and, on the other hand, the impossibility for the subject who resolves to do it of being well-intentioned and well-advised. The subject of Machiavellianism, indeed, is in a relation of strangeness to the objective institution of State and to universal; he wants and thinks his "stato", and not the State. Paradoxically, however, it is because he is endowed with malignity that he can take part in the effectiveness of right. We then try to show how Machiavelli strove to solve this paradox. His originality consists in not relying on the idealistic requisites of practical reason: neither those of social morality nor those of consequentialist ethics. From a materialistic perspective, he opts for an equivocal advice addressed to a plurality of recipients; narrow-minded recipients, with opposite appetites, but able to restrain and to enhance one another, in spite of themselves. Our thesis, finally, is that the "republic" performatively activated by his advice is a non-Hegelian state, an ecological balance order between socio-political powers of different but paired species. ; Le sens commun et la philosophie se disputent la signification qu'il convient de donner à l'œuvre de Machiavel. Le premier l'accuse d'être pire qu'un sophiste car son rôle historique serait d'avoir inoculé la perversité dans la théorie et la pratique politiques. La seconde ...

Common sense and philosophy are arguing about the interpretation of Machiavelli's works. The first one accuses him of being even worse than a sophist, because his historical part would have been to inoculate perversity in political practice and theory. Whereas the second one claims that he would be one of the first builders of modern political science, who would have thought with lucidity the conditions of reasons of State. At first, we try to defend the pertinency of those interpretations, which bring to light, both, a fundamental aspect of Machiavellian's lessons: the necessity, on the one hand, of "getting into the evil" in politics, in order to rise the society out of anomie, and, on the other hand, the impossibility for the subject who resolves to do it of being well-intentioned and well-advised. The subject of Machiavellianism, indeed, is in a relation of strangeness to the objective institution of State and to universal; he wants and thinks his "stato", and not the State. Paradoxically, however, it is because he is endowed with malignity that he can take part in the effectiveness of right. We then try to show how Machiavelli strove to solve this paradox. His originality consists in not relying on the idealistic requisites of practical reason: neither those of social morality nor those of consequentialist ethics. From a materialistic perspective, he opts for an equivocal advice addressed to a plurality of recipients; narrow-minded recipients, with opposite appetites, but able to restrain and to enhance one another, in spite of themselves. Our thesis, finally, is that the "republic" performatively activated by his advice is a non-Hegelian state, an ecological balance order between socio-political powers of different but paired species. ; Le sens commun et la philosophie se disputent la signification qu'il convient de donner à l'œuvre de Machiavel. Le premier l'accuse d'être pire qu'un sophiste car son rôle historique serait d'avoir inoculé la perversité dans la théorie et la pratique politiques. La seconde ...

An analysis of three major aspects has been carried out that may apply to any of the successive voting systems used for the European Union Council of Ministers, from the first one established in the Treaty of Rome in 1958 to the current one established in Lisbon. We mainly consider the voting systems designed for the enlarged European Union adopted in the Athens summit, held in April 2003 but this analysis can be applied to any other system. First, it is shown that the dimension of these voting systems does not, in general, reduce. Next, the egalitarian effects of superposing two or three weighted majority games (often by introducing additional consensus) are considered. Finally, the decisiveness of these voting systems is evaluated and compared. ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (author's final draft)

Machine generated contents note: CHAPTER ONE The Internet and Ethical Values 1 -- Introduction 1 -- Cyberethics and "The Law of the Horse" 2 -- An Iron Cage or a Gateway to Utopia? 8 -- Ethical Frameworks and the Digital Frontier 10 -- Utilitarianism 11 -- Contract Rights (Contractarianism) 13 -- Natural Rights 15 -- Moral Duty (Pluralism) 16 -- Postscript on Moral Theory 21 -- Normative Principles 23 -- The Principle of Autonomy 23 -- The Principle of Nonmaleficence 23 -- The Principle of Beneficence 24 -- The Principle of Justice 24 -- Discussion Questions 25 -- References 25 --CHAPTER TWO Regulating and Governing the Internet 29 -- Introduction 29 -- A Short History of the Internet 31 -- The Internet's Current Architecture 33 -- The World Wide Web 35 -- Electronic Commerce 37 -- Social Problems and Social Costs 40 -- The Invisible Hand 41 -- Regulating the Net: The Visible Hand 42 -- A "Bottoms-Up" Approach: The Sovereignty ot Code 45 -- Internet Governance 47 -- Net Regulation and Ethics 48 -- Discussion Questions 51 -- References 51 --CHAPTER THREE Free Speech and Content Control in Cyberspace 53 -- Introduction 53 -- Speech and Internet Architecture 55 -- Pornography in Cyberspace 56 -- The Communications Decency Act (CDA) 56 -- Child Online Protection Act (COPA) 59 -- Children's Interet Protection Act (CHIPA) 60 -- Automating Content Controls 62 -- Hate Speech and Online Threats 70 -- Anonymous Speech 73 -- Student Web Sites 75 -- Spam as Commercial Free Speech 77 -- Postscript 81 -- Discussion Questions 82 -- Cases: The Librarian's Dilemma 83 -- Spam or Free Speech at Intel? 84 -- L'Affair Yahoo 86 -- References 89 --CHAPTER FOUR Intellectual Property in Cyberspace 91 -- Part I: Background on Intellectual Property 91 -- Introduction 91 -- What Is Intellectual Property and Why Does It Matter? 93 -- Legal Protections for Intellectual Property 95 -- Copyright Laws 95 -- Patents 96 -- Trademarks 97 -- Moral Justification for Intellectual Property 98 -- Labor-Desert Theory 99 -- Personality Theory 100 -- Utilitarianism 100 -- Recent Legislation 102 -- The Digital Millenium Copyright Act (DMCA) 102 -- The Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act (CTEA) 103 -- Part II: Issues for the Interet 105 -- Copyright and the Digital Dilemma 105 -- Digital Music 105 -- The DeCSS Lawsuit 110 -- Software Ownership and the Open Source Code Movement 112 -- Digital Rights Architectures 117 -- Business Method Patents in Cyberspace 118 -- Domain Names and Interconnectivity Issues 121 -- Ownership of Domain Names 121 -- Linking and Framing 124 -- Metatags 127 -- Creative Integrity 129 -- Postscript 131 -- Discussion Questions 132 -- Cases: The wwwnga Domain Name Dispute 132 -- Patent War on the Web: Amazon vs. Barnes & Noble 133 -- Morpheus: The Next Napster? 135 -- References 137 -- CHAPTER FIVE Regulating Internet Privacy 141 -- Introduction 141 -- Definition and Theory of Privacy 142 -- Personal Information on the Internet 145 -- Consumer Privacy on the Internet 147 -- Privacy-Invasive Technologies 147 -- Policy Considerations 152 -- Moral Considerations 155 -- The United States and Europe: Divergent Paths to Privacy Protection 159 -- Privacy Legislation in the U.S. 159 -- Privacy Protection in Europe 162 -- Privacy and Internet Architectures 166 -- A Prescription for Privacy 168 -- Privacy in the Workplace 170 -- Privacy Rights at Risk 170 -- Comparing U.S. and European Policies 171 -- The Case for E-Mail Privacy Rights 173 -- Discussion Questions 177 -- Cases: DoubleClick: The Ethics of Online Advertising 177 -- Amazon's New Privacy Policy 181 -- Newport Electronics 183 -- References 185 --CHAPTER SIX Securing the Electronic Frontier 189 -- Vulnerabilities of the Net 189 -- Cybercrime 192 -- Antipiracy Architectures 194 -- Trespass and Unauthorized Access in Cyberspace 196 -- Questionable Forms of Trespass 200 -- Security Measures in Cyberspace 203 -- The Encryption Controversy: A Public Policy Perspective 207 -- The Clipper Chip 208 -- Clipper II 210 -- Key Management Infrastructure (KMI) or Clipper III 211 -- Policy Reversal 213 -- Encryption Code, Privacy, and Free Speech 213 -- Discussion Questions 215 -- Cases: The Case of the Pretty Good Privacy (PGP) Encryption Program 215 -- eBay v. Bidder's Edge: Trespass or Legitimate Access? 217 -- References 219

Inserm (dir.). Réduction des dommages associés à la consommation d'alcool. Collection Expertise collective. Montrouge : EDP Sciences, 2021. ; Les niveaux de consommation d'alcool dans la population française, avec 43 millions de consommateurs, demeurent élevés. Il en résulte d'importantes conséquences sanitaires, sociales et financières qui constituent un « fardeau » pour la société. Récemment, de nouvelles études ont démontré des risques et des dommages sanitaires même à des niveaux de consommation les plus faibles, et les autorités de santé ont revu à la baisse les repères de consommation. Dans ce contexte, réduire les risques et les dommages sur la santé liés à la consommation d'alcool reste une nécessité.Cette expertise collective Inserm, sollicitée par la Mildeca et le ministère en charge de la Santé, a pour objectif de répondre à cette question. Un groupe pluridisciplinaire de 12 experts spécialistes dans les domaines de l'épidémiologie, la psychologie sociale, l'économie, du marketing social, des politiques publiques, la physiologie, l'alcoologie, l'addictologie et la psychiatrie, a été constitué. Ce groupe a réalisé un bilan et une analyse des connaissances scientifiques les plus récentes. De nombreux aspects ont été traités : les consommations d'alcool (profils et niveaux, dommages sanitaires et socioéconomiques y compris pendant la période périnatale, facteurs de risque et de protection, marketing, lobbying) et les actions de prévention (de la prévention primaire jusqu'à la prise en charge des personnes présentant une dépendance à l'alcool). À l'issue de cette analyse, le groupe d'experts propose des recommandations d'actions et de recherches.

Con el fin de compartir un lenguaje mínimo de entendimiento se realiza una introducción a los conceptos de calidad, gestión responsable y responsabilidad social. Luego, con base en la premisa de que la inversión en educación es el mejor negocio que puede hacer un país, y al considerar que la ley 30 de 1992 ya cumplió con las expectativas de una época, aspectos en los cuales se encuentra coincidencia con la justificación de la propuesta de reforma a la educación, se tratan algunos aspectos que vale la pena tener en cuenta sobre la actual propuesta del gobierno del presidente Juan Manuel Santos quien ha puesto a consideración una nueva ley con el fin de mejorar las condiciones de cobertura y calidad que permitan a los jóvenes colombianos ser competitivos mundialmente y aportar al desarrollo del país de una manera tangible. Los diferentes representantes del sistema educativo colombiano, y en particular de la educación superior, coinciden en aceptar que se requiere un cambio en la Ley 30 que permita transformar la realidad de los últimos 18 años, esto da pie a algunas preguntas y sugerencias a partir del proyecto de reforma que se encuentra disponible para la discusión nacional y para lo cual se propone una intervención que impulse la sostenibilidad de los objetivos expresados en más y mejores estudiantes, jóvenes colombianos, haciendo parte de la educación superior colombiana para enfrentar un mundo cambiante y sin fronteras. Lo anterior se resume en las preguntas: ¿El proyecto planteado incorpora las acciones necesarias y suficientes para lograr la transformación de los resultados de la Educación superior? y ¿Se tiene conciencia del efecto en la sociedad colombiana? Para responder a tales inquietudes, en este trabajo se proponen algunas acciones complementarias que se considera propiciarían la gestión responsable de la educación superior. ; In order to share a minimum language of understanding is an introduction to the concepts of quality, accountability and social responsibility. Then, based on the premise that investing in education is the best deal you can do a country, and to consider that Law 30 of 1992 already complied with the expectations of an era, aspects which are coinciding with the justification of the proposed reform to education, are dealt with some aspects that are worth taking into account on the current proposal of the Government of President Juan Manuel Santos who has consideration made a new law in order to improve coverage and quality to allow Colombian young people become competitive globally and contribute to the development of the country in a tangible way. Various representatives of the Colombian educational system, and in particular higher education, agree in accepting that requires a change in the law 30 to transform the reality of the past 18 years, this gives rise to some questions and suggestions from the reform project that is available for the national discussion and which proposes an intervention to boost the sustainability of the aims expressed in more and better students, young Colombians, making part of the higher education in Colombia to confront a changing world and without borders. This is summarized in the questions: do raised project incorporates the actions necessary and sufficient to achieve the transformation of the results of higher education? responsible management of higher education and it is aware of the effect in Colombian society? To respond, this paper proposed certain complementary actions is considered would lead to the responsible management of the higher education.

Studies have investigated the equalizing effect of childcare provision and parental leave schemes on gendered work patterns. However, as the relationship between policies and individual time allocations to paid work is complex and challenging to empirically assess, previous research has clarified single aspects of this complexity. The present study theoretically and empirically combines a household perspective by considering the work behaviours of two partners within one household (i.e. a household's lived family model) with a comparative approach to systematically analyse relationships between specific policy designs and households' paid work patterns in a large sample. The findings imply that extensive childcare policies are systematically related to an egalitarian household organization, mostly among those with small children. This association can be observed across households with varying levels of egalitarian norms. Conversely, the findings suggest that the current design of parental leave policies in the 21 European countries does not allow for a true assessment of the potential of leave schemes to influence the within-household division of labor.

В данной статье раскрывается специфика социологического дискурсивного поля, сформировавшегося по вопросу о патриотизме в российском обществе, его идеологических и ценностных основаниях, восприятии в массовом сознании граждан России. Автором анализируются теоретические аспекты данной проблемы, что позволило прийти к выводу о значительном силовом воздействии на формирование патриотизма в современной России силового социально-политического дискурсивного поля, конструируемого и контролируемого политическими акторами для поддержки реализуемого политического курса. ; The article considers the specifics of sociological discursive field on the issue of patriotism in Russian society, its ideological and value bases, and its perception in the mass consciousness of Russian citizens. The author analyzes theoretical aspects of the problem and comes to the conclusion about a significant force impact of force social and political discursive field, constructed and controlled by the political actors for the support of implemented policy, on the formation of patriotism in modern Russia.

Game Theoretical Applications to Economics and Operations Research deals with various aspects of game theory and their applications to Economics and OR related problems. It brings together the contributions of a wide spectrum of disciplines such as Statistics, Mathematics, Mathematical Economics and OR. The contributions include decision theory, stochastic games, cooperative and noncooperative games. The papers in the volume are classified under five different sections. The first four sections are devoted to the theory of two-person games, linear complimentarity problems and game theory, cooperative and noncooperative games. The fifth section contains diverse applications of these various theories. Taken together they exhibit a rich versatility of these theories and lively interaction between the mathematical theory of games and significant economic problems