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Roughly fifteen percent of the world's total population is believed to live with some form of disability. The proportion in refugee and migrant populations is undoubtedly higher, exacerbated by their exposure to high risk, violence and uncertainty. People who have disabilities are also among those most prone to poverty, social marginalisation, prejudice and discrimination. Yet despite various mechanisms introduced by the international community to protect people with disabilities, including the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (2007), the stigma and barriers refugee and migrants face in gaining entry or asylum prevails. These barriers are practical as well as political: legislation introduced in Australia, for example, has fortified the ability of government to deport people who are non-citizens, under a policy of removal that has done away with legal processes. The policy gained some negative attention in the media in the early years of this century, when controversies surrounded the deportation of mentally ill Australian citizens Cornelia Rau and Vivian Alvarez Solon by mistake. But despite these brief moments of outrage, the government has continued to deport families and individuals it considers will impose "excessive cost" on the public purse in the long run.

PurposeAs COVID-19 cases rose in the US, so too did instances of discrimination against Asians. The current research seeks to understand and document discrimination toward Asians in the US specifically linked to the global pandemic (study 1). The authors test hypotheses based in social categorization and intergroup contact theories, demonstrating perceived pandemic blame is a mechanism for discrimination (study 2).Design/methodology/approachIn study 1, the authors survey Asians living in the US regarding experiences and perceptions of COVID-19-related discrimination. In study 2, a two-time point survey examined whether participant perceptions of pandemic blame toward China predict discriminatory behavior toward Asians.FindingsStudy 1 demonstrated that 22.5% of US-residing Asians report personally encountering pandemic-related discrimination. Study 2 indicated that COVID-19 blame attributions toward China predicted anticipated hiring bias and increased physical distancing of Asians at work, associated with higher levels of US identification.Research limitations/implicationsThe findings have theoretical implications for research on blame and stigmatization, as well as practical implications regarding bias mitigation.Originality/valueThe present studies advance understanding of event-based blame as a driver of prejudice and discrimination at work and suggest organizations attend to bias mitigation in conjunction with uncertainty reduction communications in challenging times.

This essay is an attempt to write the social history of the Chakkiliyar community of South India, often classified in the colonial records as a caste occupying the lowest position in the caste hierarchy. This paper argues that the colonial period was marked by lowering opportunities for economic and social mobility for the community. Traditionally involved in the manufacture of leather goods that were central to irrigation, the Chakkiliyars had relatively better opportunities and some even occupied the status of petty landowners. But the advent of pumpsets and the mechanization of leather processing during the colonial period severely affected their economic opportunities. Adding to this, the colonial and missionary records, inflated with the prejudices of their upper caste informers, repeatedly portrayed their low social existence. Therefore, despite certain genuine motives and formidable social reforms, the colonial and missionary documentation of the caste in fact further strengthened the existing social stereotypes and thus added yet another layer into its history of discrimination. Besides recovering the various ways in which Chakkiliyars were described in the documents of colonial officials and Christian missionaries, this paper also analyzes the recent attempts by the members of the community to produce a counter narrative to the stereotypical representations of their caste.

Hate crimes against members of the Jewish community have increased dramatically over the past few years. According to federal data, the number of hate crimes directed at Jews now appears to exceed those directed at many, if not most, minority groups. Yet, despite the number of hate crimes aimed at Jews, little recent scholarship has considered the issue of anti-Semitism. To address this gap in the profession's literature, this article examines the issue of anti-Semitism in the United States. Toward that end, the Jewish population is described and data on anti-Semitism are reviewed along with factors that contribute to this prejudice. The article concludes by discussing strategies that social work educators, practitioners, and researchers might pursue to help create a more socially just society for the Jewish community in the United States and elsewhere. For instance, social workers might seek to address spiritual microaggressions aimed at members of the Jewish community. As part of this process, social workers might help create a culture that respects religious freedom, a fundamental human right, and advocate for equitable portrayals of Jewish people and perspectives in diverse media. Particular attention should be paid to Orthodox Jews, who are often targets of anti-Semitism.

The great spread of the phenomenon of MeToo, a global movement promoting the publicity of the facts of sexual harassment, has also received a response in Lithuania: anonymous stories in blogs have grown into a provocative discourse that has attracted a great deal of attention. The aim of the research presented in this article is to characterise the discourse of MeToo in terms of rhetorical expression that has not been discussed yet: to identify and elicit the dominant elements of rhetorical argumentation. The empirical research was conducted using the method of rhetorical analysis that allows distinguishing and defining in rhetorical categories the models characteristic to rhetoric appeals. The method of rhetorical analysis combined with directed content analysis, as well as with critical discourse analysis. Following the methodology of provocative narrative research, it was analysed the material published at the time of maximum intensity and involvement in the discourse, such as testimonies, publications, interviews, and comments of women who have been subjected to sexual harassment. The results of rhetorical discourse analysis allow us to discuss the culture of accusation in which the normalization of victim condemnation is prevalent, and logical reasoning gives way to prejudice-based emotional appeals.

This article, based on original research from 57 villages in four provinces from North and East India, sheds light on a hitherto unexplored gendered impact of colorism in facilitating noncustomary cross-region marriage migrations in India. Within socioeconomically marginalized groups from India's development peripheries, the hegemonic construct of fairness as "capital" conjoins with both regressive patriarchal gender norms governing marriage and female sexuality and the monetization of social relations, through dowry, to foreclose local marriage options for darker-hued women. This dispossession of matrimonial choice forces women to "voluntarily" accept marriage proposals from North Indian bachelors, who are themselves faced with a bride shortage in their own regions due to skewed sex ratios. These marriages condemn cross-region brides to new forms of gender subordination and skin-tone discrimination within the intimacy of their marriages, and in everyday relations with conjugal families, kin, and rural communities. Because of colorism, cross-region brides are exposed to caste-discriminatory exclusions and ethnocentric prejudice. Dark-skin shaming is a strategic ideological weapon employed to extract more labor from them. The article extends global scholarly discussion on the role of colorism in articulating new forms of gendered violence in dark-complexioned, poor rural women's lives.

This book review is about the French translation of a book by the anthropologist Arturo Escobar that, though it has not been translated into English yet, deserves to be known by English readers. This book is quite important since it allows one to understand occidental, capitalist and modern hegemony not only as an economic domination but above all as a cultural, epistemological and ontological colonisation. Indeed, according to Escobar, this domination takes its roots in the Occident's ontology which translates into hegemonic practices that are concrete threats to the other worlds and their dwellers. Thus, Escobar highlights the deep link between ontologies and practices and argues for a new field of study he calls political ontology or ontological politics. To accompany the proposition of a shift from a universal nature to a pluriverse composed of many worlds, Escobar does not only undermine the prejudices of modernity but also puts forward the relational ontologies from indigenous communities of Latin America that concretely resist colonisation, underlining the ontological dimension of their struggles. Such a framework enables one to overcome or at least minimize the distinction between theory and practice.

El advenimiento de la pandemia por Covid 19 a principios de 2020 llevó a los estados a tomar medidas rápidas procurando proteger a la población que se creía más vulnerable, les mayores. En CABA el gobierno implementó el programa Mayores Cuidados que habilitaba sitios para el aislamiento de las personas mayores en los barrios vulnerables y un registro de voluntarios para asistir a les mayores de 65 en sus casas, evitando así que se expusieran al virus. Esto tuvo una buena recepción pero también críticas que señalaron la existencia de prejuicios y la subestimación de las personas en función de la edad. ; The advent of the Covid 19 pandemic in early 2020 led states to take rapid measures trying to protect the population that was believed to be most vulnerable, the elderly. In CABA, the government implemented the Greater Care program that enabled sites for the isolation of the elderly in vulnerable neighborhoods and a registry of volunteers to assist those over 65 in their homes, thus preventing them from being exposed to the virus. This had a good reception but also criticism that pointed to the existence of prejudices and the underestimation of people based on their age. ; Facultad de Trabajo Social

This article examines the plight of migrant Muslim garbage pickers during the COVID-19 lockdown in India and their struggles to return home to Assam. Their financial hardships were exacerbated by social, political, and religious prejudices. Belonging to the Bengali-speaking miya community, deemed "Bangladeshi," government authorities neglected them. The lockdown's hyped-up anti-Muslim propaganda also reduced them to "corona jihadis." The author reads their struggles as a case study of the Muslim condition in India and argues for civic engagement for redressing the condition of the marginal and vulnerable. The research was conducted through telephone and Zoom calls and in-person interviews. ; Članek obravnava stiske migrantskih muslimanskih smetarjev med popolnim zaprtjem javnega življenja v Indiji in njihova prizadevanja za vrnitev v rodno pokrajino Assam. Družbeni, politični in verski predsodki so njihove finančne težave še povečali. Zaradi njihove pripadnosti bengalsko govoreči skupnosti miya, ki izvira iz Bangladeša, se indijske oblasti zanje niso menile, okrepljena protimuslimanska propaganda jih je v času lockdowna obravnavala kot »korona džihadiste«. Avtorica njihov boj za preživetje obravnava v okviru splošnega položaja muslimanov v Indiji, obenem pa se zavzema, da bi civilna družba naredila več za izboljšanje položaja najbolj marginaliziranih in ranljivih skupin. Raziskava je bila izvedena po telefonu, aplikaciji Zoom in z osebnimi intervjuji.

In a highly diverse world, cultural literacy is an essential tool for living together in harmony, and dialogic teaching may be a way to promote and develop it among children and adolescents. We define cultural literacy as a set of attitudes (inclusion, tolerance, and empathy) and skills (dialogic argumentation) needed to understand others in our everyday lives. This paper focuses on the effect of a professional development programme to promote dialogue and argumentation to help children and adolescents overcome pre-existing stereotypes and prejudices and foster students' participation in discussions that contrast divergent viewpoints. This was done through debates on social responsibility issues, living together, and belonging as presented in books and short films addressing the following topics: citizenship, the celebration of diversity, democracy, globalisation, human rights, cooperation, sustainable development, and climate change. After the professional development programme was implemented, we video-recorded two of the 15 student–teacher interaction sessions during the project's implementation (session #3 and session #8). We analysed the data using a validated coding scheme across three educational levels (three preschool, four primary school, and four secondary school classrooms). We observed moderate gains in secondary education and preschool, but statistically significant gains in primary education

There is increasing evidence that the use of masks is an indispensable protective measure against COVID-19, given the high transmissibility of the new coronavirus through the respiratory system, including by asymptomatic individuals. The use of cloth masks in public places has been established as a protective measure to be adopted alongside social distancing and hand hygiene. This narrative review aims to systematize the scientific evidence that informs the widespread use of cloth masks as a preventive measure against COVID-19 and to describe the evolution of positions contrary to or in favor of its use outside the home, in view of the advance of the new coronavirus pandemic globally. The scientific articles, technical notes, governmental decrees and other documents analyzed indicate that widespread use of masks has the potential to reduce the spread of the new coronavirus. We recommend that the Brazilian government adopt strategies to increase the supply of reusable cloth masks to the public, especially to vulnerable populations and to support studies on the impact of this measure to control the pandemic in the country. Finally, it is imperative to ensure that use of masks does not exacerbate stigmatization of racial groups that already face prejudice.

The similarity of Jair Bolsonaro's and Donald Trump's divisive views on a variety of controversial issues has led many critics to argue that Brazilians elected a 'Tropical Trump' in 2018. Research on Trump's election shows that authoritarian, racist, and sexist voters were essential to his narrow victory; however, it is an open question whether Trump's pathway to power is the norm or the exception among right-wing nationalists. Even though candidates espousing controversial ideas about democracy and prejudice are gaining much electoral support, we know little about the extent to which their voters hold similar views. This study confirms that many Brazilians share Bolsonaro's ambivalence about democracy as well as his attitudes denigrating women and sexual minorities; however, the degree of congruence between his supporters' and his own views on these topics played a minor role at most in shaping voter choice. As in previous elections, ideology and partisanship – specifically, attitudes about Brazil's Workers' Party – largely explain whether a voter supported him. This finding largely holds across gender and racial boundaries, although white Brazilians appear to have been modestly more inclined than Afro-Brazilians to vote for Bolsonaro if they shared his divisive views.

The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in a mass exodus of India's migrant workers from the cities back to the villages. This book explores the social conditions and concerns around health, labour, migration, and gender that were thrown up as a result of this forced migration. The book examines the failings of the public health systems and the state response to address the humanitarian crisis which unfolded in the middle of the pandemic. It highlights how the pandemic-lockdown disproportionately affected marginalised social groups – Dalits and the Adivasi communities, women and Muslim workers. The book reflects on the socio-economic vulnerabilities of migrant workers, their rights to dignity, questions around citizenship, and the need for robust systems of democratic and constitutional accountability. The chapters also critically look at the gendered vulnerabilities of women and non-cis persons in both public and private spaces, the exacerbation of social stratification and prejudices, incidents of intimidation by the administration and the police forces, and proposed labour reforms which might create greater insecurities for migrant workers. This important and timely book will be of great interest to researchers and students of sociology, public policy, development studies, gender studies, labour and economics, and law.

Especially in mediation as an out-of-court conflict mediation procedure, maintaining the basic attitude on the part of a neutral, third party is a core aspect and at the same time a neuralgic point. The ability to maintain impartiality and neutrality as anideal in a mediation role is central and determines success and failure. Often in conflicts there are a number of people-based problems that focus on mediators as individuals. Thus, phenomena of assessment can emerge, with unconscious bias on the part of conflict parties who experience disadvantage and prejudice. This can be associated with a gender-specific or gender-sensitive component. The question of the extent to which the mediator can be socially supported in conflict management through social human-machine interaction with artificial intelligence (AI) and human-machine collaboration (HMC) is a novelty. There is also the question of whether problems with impartiality and neutrality can be solved by gender-neutral robots as assistance with social human-machine interaction. The innovation of learning systems needs acceptance despite murmuring criticism of it. Insights from AI studies show that AI will revolutionizethe way people decide, work, learn, communicate, consume and live. This is no longer a science fiction dream.The Future is Now!

Appropriation is defined as the expropiation of a property from its owner, the right of disposal, ‎usufruct of easement of same. Thus, appropriation can apply to the tittle to the property per ‎se, to the right od disposal of, usufruct or easement of such tittle. Such sovereign privilege, ‎determined for the public administration to dispossess the private property, is based on Article ‎‎( 11 ) of the Jordanian constitution of 1952 , which provides that " the property of any person ‎may not be seized except for public use and against a fair compensation as prescribed by the ‎law " . The Jordanian legislator requires that a number of legal procedures should be salisfied ‎before the passing of the appropriation decision. Taking the appropriation decision will go ‎thought the following stages. The preliminary announcement stage, the submital of the ‎application to the council of Ministers, the passing of the appropriation decision and finally the ‎announcement of the decision of expropriation of the sole proprietorship. The aim of such ‎stages it to exercise patience when issuing the decision and not to be hasty in taking this ‎decision because it constitute a prejudice to the most sacred rights of individuals without ‎exception