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В даній статті розглянута методика організації роботи студентів під час вивчення теми російська національна меншина України в політиці коренізації 20-30-х рр. ХХ ст. На основі раніше невідомих джерел було висвітлено особливості політики коренізації стосовно російської національної меншини України та розглянуто сучасні методи викладання даної теми у вищій школі. ; The article is devoted the problem of organization of work of students are during the study of theme the Russian national minority of Ukraine in politics of coronation 20-30th of ХХ of century. On the basis of earlier unknown sources the features of politics of coronation were reflected in relation to the Russian national minority of Ukraine and the modern methods of teaching of this theme are considered at higher school.

This article introduces the special feature "Leaders, Crisis Behavior, and International Conflict." Individual leaders play a central role in world politics. Yet, for the last several decades, international relations scholarship has downplayed or ignored leaders, focusing instead on system-wide variables and domestic political institutions. A new wave of research, however, has helped to reintroduce the leader-level back into models of international politics. The papers that constitute this special feature represent some of the cutting-edge work in this area. This introductory paper traces the evolution of research on leaders in international relations and provides a conceptual framework that highlights different approaches to the study of leaders. It also distills several key themes that emerge from the papers, in addition to offering directions for future research.

Michael Lewis is a New York Times bestselling author who has written more than a dozen books on subjects ranging from politics to Wall Street. His recently released book, "Fifth Risk," explores mismanagement in federal government. His other books include "The Big Short," "Moneyball" and "The Blind Side" - all of which were made into movies. Another, "Liar's Poker," was based partly on his experience as a bond salesman at Salomon Brothers. Lewis is a sharp observer of politics, finance and the evolution of American culture, combining keen insight with a sharp sense of humor. He is a columnist for Bloomberg News and a contributing writer to Vanity Fair. His articles have also appeared in The New York Times Magazine, The New Yorker and Sports Illustrated.

The ifa conference "Cultures of We" held on 13 September 2017 in Berlin cut to the core of world politics today. It asked: How can we stay true to the principle of equality, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), when "othering" has resurged in identity and politics validated by a newly-vocal narrative of "us versus them?" Populist movements formalized by Brexit in the United Kingdom in June 2016 and the election of Donald J. Trump to the US presidency five months later march in lock-step with other racist-nationalist regimes in the Philippines, Turkey, Austria, and so on. Many pockets of Scandinavia, previously models of liberal tolerance, also exhibit similar sympathies. Renewed commitment to the UDHR will not suffice, I'm afraid. Its insistence on singularity to convey universality sinks the proposition.

Abstract This article reviews three classic texts of the French, American-Realist and English schools in International Relations, namely Tout Empire Périra (Duroselle 1992), Politics Among Nations (Morgenthau 1948), and Power Politics (Wight 1978). I argue that Wight's approach can be regarded as a middle course between those of Duroselle and Morgenthau, and that Wight adopted this position in order to associate himself with important assumptions by both Duroselle and Morgenthau. In particular, there are similarities between Wight's concept of 'international revolution' and Duroselle's notion of the 'unbearable.' Both are critical of behavioural methods, and both search for recurrences in international relations. As regards Morgenthau, Wight shares with him a Realist view of international anarchy, a classical understanding of 'national interest,' and an understanding of ideologies as the legitimation of government actions.

Term "Confrontative Communication†popular in Indonesia when the election of Governor ofJakarta at 2012. In that year, one candidate often talk intimidation people and his competitor withusing sarcastic sentence, for example "If you will not choose Betawi man, please out from Jakarta orI will disarm your facilities included your KTP (kartu tanda penduduk, identification card)â€.Confrontative Communication different with Confrontation Communication in medical work which isdone by doctor or nurse. Confrontative Communication is a part of coersive communication which isused in political communication. Every candidate use confrontative communication to defeatcompetitor; among them use it each other.Now, in the politics year for winning the election especially president election, confrontativecommunication without controlled by politics ethics tends to be used in political communication. Thisarticle want to clarify that phenomena.Key words: political communication, coersive communication, confrontative communication.

It really is quite amazing. In the few weeks since Abiy Ahmed was elected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, nearly all the established facts that underpin Ethiopian politics have started to unravel. The new Prime Minister has apologized to the population for the mistakes of the past, ended the border war with Eritrea without making any demands and dismissed key officials from the old regime. At the same time, he has lifted the state of emergency and liberalized the economy – all this was previously considered unthinkable in Ethiopia. Control, internal security and a close-knit collective of former liberation fighters were the defining elements of a style of politics that provided stability and economic growth for a long time, but neglected the country's rapidly growing young population and its concerns.

People like simple stories and clear narratives. In the early years of the twenty-first century, the narrative of "emerging powers" and "rising powers" seemed to provide a clear and powerful picture of how international relations and global politics were changing. Indeed, there was an upsurge of policy and academic debate about the growing importance of non-Western regions and their leading states—notably Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, the so-called BRICS—for international politics and the world economy. The story suggested that power was diffusing away from the United States and the West; that the emerging powers were becoming far more consequential actors, both globally and within "their" regions; and that, to remain effective and legitimate, global governance institutions needed to be reformed in order to accommodate their rise.

The ifa conference "Cultures of We" held on 13 September 2017 in Berlin cut to the core of world politics today. It asked: How can we stay true to the principle of equality, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), when "othering" has resurged in identity and politics validated by a newly-vocal narrative of "us versus them?" Populist movements formalized by Brexit in the United Kingdom in June 2016 and the election of Donald J. Trump to the US presidency five months later march in lock-step with other racist-nationalist regimes in the Philippines, Turkey, Austria, and so on. Many pockets of Scandinavia, previously models of liberal tolerance, also exhibit similar sympathies. Renewed commitment to the UDHR will not suffice, I'm afraid. Its insistence on singularity to convey universality sinks the proposition.

It really is quite amazing. In the few weeks since Abiy Ahmed was elected Prime Minister of Ethiopia, nearly all the established facts that underpin Ethiopian politics have started to unravel. The new Prime Minister has apologized to the population for the mistakes of the past, ended the border war with Eritrea without making any demands and dismissed key officials from the old regime. At the same time, he has lifted the state of emergency and liberalized the economy - all this was previously considered unthinkable in Ethiopia. Control, internal security and a close-knit collective of former liberation fighters were the defining elements of a style of politics that provided stability and economic growth for a long time, but neglected the country's rapidly growing young population and its concerns. (Autorenreferat)

Theoretical approaches to political conflictThis article reconstructs and develops theoretical approaches to analysis of political conflicts in the disci­plines of political science, political philosophy and sociology. In the consecutive sections of the article the author develops theoretical assumptions of liberal rationalism, agonism, political realism, structuralism and constitutional theory. These theoretical approaches differ in the attitudes towards the causes of conflict and the role of conflict in the modern political system. Liberal rationalism is a normative theory of con­sensus within political community based on common values. Agonism perceives conflict as an essential ingredient of politics. Political realism sees conflict as permanent element of politics on the internal and international level. Constitutional theory embraces legal rules and cultural norms that define legitimate ways of political action, through which conflicts are regulated.

This essay considers the historical and conceptual framing of the American better films initiatives of the early twentieth century. Starting with the observation that the film betterment campaigns coincided with the moment women en masse began to be admitted to decision-making processes of government and civic enterprises, the article connects the advances achieved in both spheres with the downplaying of better films achievements by historians of cinema. In doing so, it calls for a more complex explanation of this so-called movement in order to understand women's active participation in their own social subordination. It proposes that women's well-documented exclusion from politics, and the systematic exemption of their collective and individual activity in matters of social organization and politics, should be taken into greater consideration by theorists of cinema.

Australia's Operation Sovereign Borders vehemently enforces closed borders to asylum seekers arriving by boat to Australia. Policed urban borders were enforced in Brisbane, Australia, during the G20 Summit in 2014, to protect visiting dignitaries from potential violent protest. The ephemeral arts intervention Walking Borders: Arts activism for refugee and asylum seeker rights symbolically confronted border politics by peacefully protesting against Australian immigration policy. Rather than focusing on the direct effects of the ephemeral arts intervention, this article attends to the affective workings of the aesthetic elements of the project through sensory ethnography and storying. Informed by Ranciere's aesthetics of politics, this article explores the affective experience and potential educative gains of the ethical turn attended to in participatory arts such as ephemeral arts interventions.

This article focuses on the United States (US), looking at the
American culture war specifically as it relates to environmental issues.
Looking at the US today is a reminder that the culture wars are as overtly
political as they are culturally motivated, and they diminish social cohesion.
The term "culture wars" is defined as increases in volatility, expansion
of polarization, and obvious conflicts in various parts of the world
between, on the one hand, those who are passionate about religiously
motivated politics, traditional morality, and anti-intellectualism, and, on
the other hand, those who embrace progressive politics, cultural openness,
and scientific and modernist orientations. The article examines this
ideological war in contemporary environmental management debates. It
identif es characteristics of environmental leadership and discusses how
networks can act as environmental leaders.

This article is devoted to the secrecy of politics in the context of sources and mechanisms of the legitimization of state power. The author formulates a thesis according to which the category of secrecy is inapplicable and inadequate beyond the form of power that is based on broad, purposive and rational legitimacy. Secret politics – which is in principle heteronomous and unjustifiable on the basis of the broadly understood idea of representation – is a technique that allows the power to mediate between the subjective motivations of individuals and social groups and the objective good of a political community. This, in turn, exposes the multifaceted contradiction between real political subjectivity and autonomy and the 'objective' metaphysical horizon that lies at the foundations of this subjectivity.