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AbstractLike so many features of the British Empire, policy for colonial higher education was transformed during the Second World War. In 1945 the Asquith Commission established principles for its development, and in 1948 the Carr–Saunders report recommended the immediate establishment of a university in Malaya to prepare for self-government. This institution grew at a rate that surpassed expectations, but the aspirations of its founders were challenged by lack of resources, the mixed reactions of the Malayan people and the politics of decolonisation. The role of the University of Malaya in engineering a united Malayan nation was hampered by lingering colonial attitudes and ultimately frustrated by differences between Singapore and the Federation. These differences culminated in the university's partition in January 1962. In the end it was the politics of nation-building which moulded the university rather than the other way round.

ABSTRACT Much recent literature on indigenous identity politics in Latin America has emphasized the emergence of new discourses on ethnic citizenship. However, the ways in which state‐sponsored efforts to validate and revitalize the Yucatec Maya language become relevant to rural Yucatecans reflect far more continuity with older local narratives about the relationship between language use and modernity. Situating contemporary engagements with multicultural language policies within a broader history of locally meaningful language practices complicates the general model of indigenous language communities that has informed many recent studies of Latin American identity politics and reframes scholarly debates that have emphasized contrasts between emergent forms of essentialism or purism and more‐traditional means of identity formation. This, in turn, suggests new routes through which multicultural and multilingual policies can be conceptualized for heterogeneous communities of indigenous language speakers.

This article examines the relationship between caste identities and electoral democracy in India. Drawing from fieldwork in Bihar, I suggest that at the center of what is popularly referred to as "caste politics" is the influence of local relations of dominance and subordination on electoral practice, resulting in what I refer to as "territorial democracy." The article examines how a politics of caste empowerment has challenged a long history of upper caste hegemony, contributing to a breakdown of state institutions as newly elected lower‐caste politicians have clashed with an overwhelmingly upper‐caste bureaucracy. The article seeks to demonstrate the radical potentiality of democracy and argues that an ethnographic mapping of the ways in which electoral practice is embedded within local power configurations is necessary in order to understand the dynamics and implications of democracy in the postcolonial world.

Abstract
Recent welfare reform has resulted in new work requirements for welfare recipients. These measures need to be justified, as they impair recipients' freedom. This paper first repudiates economic justifications for these developments and argues that the dominant justification is perfectionist. But unlike workfare, perfectionism is not necessarily paternalistic. The second part of the paper outlines a liberal perfectionism which allows only for autonomy-enhancing politics. Though even such autonomy-enhancing politics cannot be made obligatory. The last section concludes that workfare's paternalism cannot be attributed to perfectionist justifications, but rather stems from the narrow philosophy of work that is applied. The idea that enforced wage labour is a reliable tool for inducing autonomy is refuted. In the end, workfare needs to be rejected, as it is based on assumptions that are mistaken both normatively and empirically.

Zusammenfassung
Der begriff 'Sozialpolitik' lässt sich von drei unterschiedlichen Gesichtspunkten her thematisieren: (1) aus einer institutionalistischen Perspektive mit Blick auf die Entwicklung der ,social policies', (2) hinsichtlich der von politischen Machtverhältnissen und Problemkonjunkturen abhängigen ,social politics' und (3) bezüglich der Entwicklung der sozialpolitischen Ideen (,social-political ideas'). Der Beitrag fokussiert insbesondere auf diese letzte Dimension und fragt nach Kontinuitäten und Veränderungen im Sozialstaatsverständnis. Anhand der drei Leitbegriffe ,Schutz - Sicherung - Befähigung' wird die zunehmende Komplexität und erforderliche Reflexivität der ins Auge gefassten sozialpolitischen Zusammenhänge verdeutlicht.
Die dreifache Dimensionierung von Sozialpolitik als social politics, social policies und socio-political ideas gewinnt ihren Sinn erst, wenn die drei Dimensionen im Zusammenhang betrachtet werden. Nur insoweit sie miteinander in Austausch treten und gemeinsame Vorverständnisse von Problemen, Maßnahmen und Wirkungsbedingungen entwickeln, ist eine Rationalisierung von Sozialpolitik möglich. Die Wissensbasis der deutschen Sozialpolitik ist jedoch hochgradig fragmentiert und wird ganz überwiegend von den politischen Akteuren verwaltet und der Öffentlichkeit nur in selektiver Form zugänglich gemacht. Es gibt auch keine allgemein akzeptierten Ordnungsvorstellungen, die einen Rahmen für die Kommunikation zwischen Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft bilden könnten. Um eine solch übergreifende Perspektive zu schaffen, bedarf es einer öffentlichen Institution: Notwendig ist die Gründung eines ,Sozialstaatsrats', der ein gemeinsames öffentliches Wissen schafft und die spezifische Rationalität des Sozialstaates in der politischen Debatte hält.

How the media cover local election campaigns in Norway has long been a topic of discussion. Is election coverage genuinely local, or do local campaigns tend to be "hijacked" by national politicians? While it is inevitable that national media take a national angle on political journalism, it is interesting to scrutinize how regional and local media cover local election campaigns. If coverage has a national perspective, the electorate may be badly informed about important local political cleavages. This article reports the findings of a content analysis of political articles in two regional newspapers four weeks prior to the 2007 local elections. The main findings are that local politics dominate clearly in frequency and in scope of coverage, although national politics and politicians are clearly present, and local dominance increases as election day approaches. Implications for local democracy are discussed.

Through video, performance and installation, this thesis investigates concepts and politics of memory, trauma, identity and representation. It does so by utilising two main ciphers–1) the Nazi and Soviet persecution of ethnic Poles, and 2) the post-event family of Polish survivors–to investigate five defined streams of enquiry: 1. the capacity of art to both effectively represent and affectively convey trauma 2. the genocidal and post-event experiential realities of ethnic Poles 3. the continued, post-event existence of trauma and it's intergenerational transmission 4. the politics of Holocaust representation and the concept of the survivor, both acknowledged and unacknowledged as Other 5. the connections these concerns have with, i) the psycho-social and sociopolitical representational practices of the wider community; and, ii) the geopolitics of modern nation-states.

The debate surrounding the coverage of the Iraq War in Arab and western news media has pinpointed the ethical role of the news media in the mediation of suffering. This article analyses the mechanism of mediating war in the front-page articles from four pan-Arab newspapers, printed during the war in 2003. The article draws on Boltanski's discussion of emotional politics or what he terms politics of pity, the aim of which is to trigger sympathy for the Other. The news texts included here are analysed according to their rhetorical strategies and to whether they aim at consolidating a certain ethical stance towards the war. Finally, the article attempts to answer the question of whether this coverage has contributed with rational arguments to the general public debate about the war, thereby fulfilling its role as mediator to the pan-Arab polity.

The Europeanization reforms in Turkey are partly designed to bring about the demilitarization of Turkish politics. However, up to now reforms have not been free from the military's impact. The democracy game is still played in a field whose borders have been delimited by the Turkish armed forces (TAF) and its interpretation of Kemalism. Even when the boundaries of these borders were extended, it was more due to the TAF's self-restraint, motivated by the prospect of membership in the EU, rather than the restrictive impact of institutional reforms. Under these circumstances, the future of Europeanization and thus the demilitarization of Turkish politics is likely to be shaped by whether reforms will reach the issues and prerogatives that the military has carefully guarded and whether the EU will offer the state a credible prospect for membership.

Memory is a defining feature of the human condition. But the vectors and social dynamics of memory, the linkages between the individual and the collective, and the roles that traces of the past play in constituting identities and in shaping political life are complex, varied and contested. So too are the ethical demands that memory makes on us. What is clear, though, is that violence — its grim modalities, its diffuse consequences, its representation and comprehension — must stand at the centre of any understanding of memory and politics. The articles in forum explore some of the intersections between memory, politics and violence. In this introduction I set the scene for them, examining some of the relevant issues at stake and outlining some of the key positions in the scholarly literature.

Climate change undermines' sustainable global development and puts peace and security at risk. Local and regional conflicts over water and land resources, climate-induced natural disasters and migration flows as well as international disputes between those countries considered primarily responsible for global warming and those most severely affected by its consequences are likely to cause increased levels of insecurity around the globe. At the same time, the rise of China and India forebodes the end of a US-dominated unipolar world order. The concurrence of both trends endangers the stability of the international system. Conversely, however, it could provide fresh incentives for multilateral cooperation. International climate politics, in particular, could further the institutional evolution of global governance and help to curb political tensions by building confidence and trust in world politics. Adapted from the source document.

This essay examines the evolution of Iranian foreign policy on the 30th anniversary of the revolution. Iranian foreign policy operates on two levels: domestic politics and international politics. Statements offered for domestic consumption can be given less attention than those remarks and actions at the international level. While religious rhetoric often billowed from Friday sermons, pragmatic policies driven by a basic understanding of realism generally determined foreign policy over the last thirty years. The United States and other countries dealing with Iran should understand Iran's national interests and find some common interests upon which to cooperate and reduce tensions, or they will face continued hostilities and failed policies. Any calls for a grand bargain should be rejected because this would be inconsistent with Iran's approach to foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.

As part of a special journal forum entitled "Swiss Political Sciences Review." In this brief contribution, the author focuses on Charles Tilly's last book, Contentious Performances (2008b). The author first sketch the main outline of this approach as he understood them. Then the author would like to discuss two of its limits, which he found particularly striking. Every approach has to make some choices, which come with certain costs attached, and Charles Tilly's approach to contentious politics has made some key choices, too. In discussing these limits, the author feel reassured by the encouragement with which the great master of the analysis of contentious politics ended his last book: "If the weaknesses of that approach inspire my reader to invent different and superior methods for investigating contentious performance, he will cheer them on. Kenneth Ngo

The clash between radicalism and loyalism in the early industrial revolution period created the basic progressive-conservative political divide that was to structure British politics until the fall of communism. This is the perspective of Gareth Stedman Jones in his recent book An End to Poverty, which for a landmark work by a major historian has received surprisingly little notice.(1) Discussing it at a seminar in Manchester, Stedman Jones remarked that he couldn't really fathom pre-Chartist popular radicalism – a disarming confession from the author of Languages of Class. He was talking about the early 19th-century generation, between the Paineites and the Chartists, and he had put his finger on something: the popular politics of the early industrial revolution just don't fit progressive models. This is particularly true (oddly enough) in Lancashire, the home of the factory system.

This article illustrates ways in which the concepts of the norm and normativity are implicated in relations of power. Specifically, I argue that these concepts have come to function in a normalizing manner. I outline Michel Foucault's thinking on the norm and normalization and then provide an overview of Jürgen Habermas's thinking on the norm and normativity in order to show that Habermas's conceptualizations of the norm and normativity are not, as he posits, necessary foundations for ethics and politics, but in fact simply one philosophical approach among many. Uncritically accepting a Habermasian framework therefore produces normalizing effects and inhibits alternative and potentially emancipatory thinking about ethics and politics. Having problematized the requirement of normative foundations as it is currently articulated, I conclude by examining the emancipatory potential of a particular aspect of Foucault's work for the practice of philosophy.