This book presents a wide range of perspectives on the role of national parliaments in EU politics and policy-making, looking at efforts to address perceived democratic and information?deficits.?
The economic effects of the financial crisis in the eurozone have been much studied, but the impact of political and institutional changes made amidst crisis conditions have been less studied. This article examines the changes in the EU since 2008 through the lens of T.H. Marshall's concept of citizenship, gauging the effects of different changes in the EU polity on the citizenship rights of individuals. The key changes are in fiscal governance, which includes a new treaty as well as substantial legislation changing the balance of powers within and competencies of the EU institutions, the European Central Bank's role and the Troika arrangements for countries in crisis. We find that while the EU's contribution to civil citizenship in Europe is relatively intact, the development of its fiscal governance is bringing serious negative consequences for political and social citizenship in all member states. The EU is adopting policies that entrust more power to less democratically accountable institutions with the objective of fiscal rigour rather than social citizenship.
Although there is considerable research evidence to show that children in lone parent families are at increased risk of poverty, there have been few comparative analyses of lone parents in Europe. Using the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2009, this paper compares the prevalence and characteristics of lone parent families, analyses the poverty and deprivation risks of children, and evaluates the potential impact of social transfer income packages on child poverty reduction. We use the unique personal identifiers of mothers, fathers and partners to define lone parent families with greater precision. Using a multi-level framework, we find lower child poverty rates in countries with more generous social transfers, even after controlling for the country standard of living. A reverse pattern is observed for material deprivation: the negative effect of social transfer income washes out when the GDP per capita is controlled for, which itself has a negative and significant effect on material deprivation.
This dissertation explores the different slaughter methods considered humane, which are used and required by law to kill pigs raised for human consumption in the European Union. The main points covered are - the methods required by current EU Regulation 1099/2009 on the protection of animals at the time of killing which include; electrical stunning (head-only and head-body) and gas stunning (carbon dioxide gas and inert gas mixtures). The advantages and disadvantages of these methods are discussed, using results found online from studies and research conducted on the topic, including a list of other methods studied which are not permitted by law but are being looked into and possibly developed as potential alternative stunning methods. The enforcement of this Regulation and the surrounding issues is also touched upon towards the end of the dissertation. In the conclusion, the question of whether any of these methods can be considered truly humane is explored, based on the true definition of the word humane and the results of the studies discussed. ; Este trabajo explora los diferentes métodos de sacrificio considerados humanitarios, que son usados y exigidos por la ley para matar a los cerdos criados para el consumo humano en la Unión Europea. Los principales puntos tratados son: los métodos requeridos por el actual Reglamento 1099/2009 de la UE sobre la protección de los animales en el momento de la matanza, que incluyen; aturdimiento eléctrico (cabeza-cabeza y cabeza-cuerpo) y aturdimiento por gas (dióxido de carbono y mezclas de gases inertes). Se discuten las ventajas y desventajas de estos métodos, utilizando resultados encontrados en internet de estudios e investigaciones realizados sobre el tema, incluyendo una lista de otros métodos estudiados que no están permitidos por la ley pero que están siendo estudiados y posiblemente sean desarrollados como posibles métodos alternativos de aturdimiento. La aplicación de este Reglamento y los problemas asociados también se abordan hacia el final de este trabajo. En la conclusión, se explora la cuestión de si alguno de estos métodos puede considerarse verdaderamente humanitario, basándose en la definición real de la palabra "humanitario" y los resultados de los estudios discutidos.
Aims: To determine the sickness absence frequency in European Union (EU) countries.Methods: Sickness absence was measured by questionnaire using the Third European Survey on Working Conditions. Employees were considered to have sickness absence if they reported to be absent at least one day in the past 12 months because of an accident at work, work related problems, or by other health problems.Results: Sickness absence percentages were lower in Southern European countries compared with Central and Northern European countries, and, in general, slightly higher in men than in women.Conclusion: This is the first description of sickness absence in each of the 15 EU countries. Examination of the sickness absence patterning between EU countries could indicate countries where important lessons to reduce sickness absence are to be learned and diffused across the EU.
In: European political science: EPS ; serving the political science community ; a journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 11, Heft 4, S. 581-583
The postwar experience has shown that the implanting of European consciousness, or Europeanness, calls for coordinated efforts among the European institutions, national states, and NGOs. Such consciousness, a key pillar of the European integration, is necessary for the EU to effectively function and motivate member states' - also the EU's - citizens. And yet European institutions and EU governments show little interest in promoting the formation of this European consciousness. Pro-European social movements are weak, while anti- European ones gain strength. This désintéressement of the EU countries probably results from the conviction that the goal has been reached and that there is no more need for a widespread pro-European education of their societies. However analysis of the problem, and in particular of the interaction between European and national identities, shows that this is not the case. We fear that this lack of proactive measures mobilizing EU citizens to keep on struggling for a common Europe will lead to the erosion of existing achievements of integration within the EU, and undermine European values. It may threaten the future of the EU, which is not an ordinary integration grouping but a great peaceful, civilizational, social and economic project. Our hypothesis - positively verified in this article - is that the promotion of Europeanness in the EU societies is urgently needed to maintain the unity (and even membership) of the Union, and to avert trends unfavorable for all of Europe and therefore for the West as a whole.