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The impact of the fragmentation of executive and legislative bodies on the level and composition of government expenditure is a feature of politics that has attracted considerable attention from economists. However, previous authors have abstracted from two important concepts: ideology and intra-party politics. In this paper, we account for these two phenomena explicitly, and make two main contributions. First, we show that both intra- and inter-party ideological dispersion matter in explaining the level of sub-national public spending. Therefore, it is improper to consider parties as monolithic entities. We also show that ideological dispersion matters especially for current expenditures, and not so much for investment expenditures. To do so, we construct a panel database (2003–2010) comprising data from a survey that quantifies the policy preferences of party members who were candidates in Swiss elections.

This article analyzes whether and to what extent the policy environment of civil servants has an impact on their level of Public Service Motivation (PSM). It hypothesizes that public employees working in different policy domains and stages of the policy cycle are diversely motivated by four PSM orientations (Compassion, Commitment to the public interest, Self-sacrifice and Attraction to politics). The empirical results are based on a survey of 6885 Swiss civil servants. They show that those in charge of Welfare State policies are inclined to have higher levels of 'Compassion', whereas those performing core state functions report lower levels. Furthermore, employees whose main tasks are related to policy formulation display high levels of the 'Attraction to politics' dimension of PSM. This study questions the generalization of previous findings on PSM that are based on heterogeneous survey populations.

The discussion about concept of celebrity politics is a new study in the social sciences and politicallandscape in the new Indonesian electoral democracy post-1999. Phenomenon of celebrity into therealm of practical politics itself actually comes as a vote getter nature every political campaign. Theexistence of massive publicity in the media as well as a performance appears to attract public sympathy.However, the pattern of these celebrities also performed by politicians to show any aspect of theirdaily life to become material for public consumption. The implication is that creating any sympathyand empathy from the public to candidate or party. Political journalism plays a major role in creatingboth the presence of the news by creating better and vice versa, creating a presence of construction tocandidates or parties. This paper will elaborate more on this celebrity political perspective.

This paper examines how Samuelson defined his own role as an economist as a technical expert, who walked what he called 'the middle of the road' to – seemingly – stay out of the realm of politics. As point of entry I discuss the highly tempting offers made by Theodore M. Schultz in the 1940s to come over to Chicago, which Schultz persistently repeated over a period of three years and despite strong Chicago faculty resistance. A contrast between Schultz's own experiences as an economic expert at Iowa State, Samuelson's work as an external consultant for the National Resources Planning Board during the Second World War and the firm support of the MIT administration for Samuelson's research, serve to pinpoint the meaning of being technical for Samuelson, and the relation of the technical economic expert to the realm of politics.

This paper represents a sociological and politological research dealing with the analysis of a social phenomenon of so-called "modern barbarism" as a specific phenomenon opposing the official institutionalized civic politics. Crime and terrorism are recognized to be the most important forms of this "modern barbarism", identified in this paper as specific para-political forms with their own particular ethics, worldviews, institutions and internal organization. This paper concludes that terrorism and organized crime cannot be regarded as mere social deviations, but they should rather be seen as a complete and integral social phenomenon with a stable and specific structure when we take into account that they represent explicit para-political forms which practice a specific anti-civic understanding of politics, thus representing the dominant anti-civic forms of power of our time.

Approaching politics through literary analysis, Julius Caesar and the Art of Rhetoric aims to answer the question, "what makes a successful politician?" Through a systematic line-by-line scru-tiny of Shakespeare's quintessential political play, Julius Caesar, Rivkin isolates "the art of rheto-ric" as the single historic constant indispensible in the ever-changing equation of political success. Beyond the play, Julius Caesar, Rivkin explores rhetoricians and political philosophers like Ar-istotle, Quintilian, and Ramus who may have contributed to Shakespeare's Early Modern world-view. But Shakespeare seems to transcend his influences, and demonstrates his near prescience in a political story that is as historical as it is ahead of its time. Shakespeare touches on the timeless essence of politics, which, if understood, could inform successful political leaders and systems of tomorrow.

В статье даётся обзор современной дискуссии о роли Интернета в политике. Анализируются основные исследовательские подходы к рассмотрению влияния Интернета на политику, отмечаются проблемы, с которыми сталкиваются государства при внедрении интернет-технологий в деятельность органов власти. Уделено внимание диспуту о влиянии Интернета на современную демократию. Обосновано предположение о том, что Интернет будет оказывать значительное воздействие на политическую систему общества.In this article, we present a review of the modern discussion about the role of the Internet in politics. We analyze the main research approaches to considering the influence of the Internet on politics, and specify problems faced by states when implementing Internet technologies in governance. We also pay attention to the dispute over the impact of the Internet on modern democracy. We justify the assumption that the Internet will have a significant impact on the political system of society.

This forum offers a wide-ranging contribution to the debate of the place of Marxist feminism within contemporary feminist historiography. In the focal essay, Meg Luxton contends that Marxist-feminist politics has been misrepresented in recent retellings of feminist history in ways that undermine and silence its contribution to feminist theory and practice, both past and present. She argues further that the Marxist-feminist analysis of social reproduction must be reclaimed and made central to the contemporary fight against neoliberal capitalism. The remainder of the forum consists of the responses of three Canadian feminists to Luxton's argument. Rebecca Schein suggests that focusing on the hegemony of neoliberalism rather than the politics of co-optation provides a better political map for Marxist-feminist praxis, grounded in social unionism. Adapted from the source document.

Проблема взаимодействия журналистики и политики имеет как общетеоретическое, так и прикладное значение. Взаимное влияние средств массовой информации и политики, роль прессы в политической жизни социума и другие вопросы представляются чрезвычайно интересными на современном этапе развития общества. Процессы глобализации и все более активного проникновения информационных технологий в организацию и функционирование общественной жизни многократно увеличивают актуальность комплексного изучения родственных коммуникационных сфер. ; The author investigates as politics and journalism interact. This problem has theoretical as well as practical meaning. The questions of mutual influence of mass media and politics institutions, the printed press contribution in the political life of society and other issues are extremely interesting at the present stage of society development. The globalization processes and the increasingly active penetration of informational technologies in an organization and in the social life functioning manifold the relevance of complex study interrelated communicative spheres.

The youngest events in Europe have irritated many political observers and political science. Hardly anyone had expected that the Russian Federation with the use of military power means a part of a sovereign state annexed (the Crimea), and actively promote the destabilization of the entire Ukraine operates. Regardless of the political and international legal assessment of Russian behavior is the fact that the active and passive use of military power, thinking have returned to geostrategic categories to Europe, for many observers surprising. The crisis and the Ukraine shows yet once again very clear that realpolitik in international politics continues to be a central strategy of States is (and remains) and that realistic theories International politics (in its various varieties) for explanation of such policies continue Relevance can claim. Adapted from the source document.

Political behavior among independents has been documented for decades, yet we are left with limited insight into their political engagement. What, if anything, motivates independents to engage in politics? In this study, I apply psychological theories of attitude importance to explain high variation in political-engagement levels among independents. Using two recent datasets, I find engagement levels are comparable across independents and partisans, yet predictors of their engagement differ substantially. Ideological strength predicts engagement for partisans-but not for independents. Instead, my data show that independents' engagement is best predicted by the importance they place on their independent identity. These data provide evidence that independence is a meaningful political identity and that identity importance is a key to explaining what motivates the independent voter to engage with politics. Adapted from the source document.

Our article investigates whether the change from the alderman model to parliamentary rule in Norwegian counties affects decision-making style, steering capacity, accountability and democracy. We also ask how the legitimacy of the political system is affected. Our findings indicate a more majoritarian style of decision-making. Influence is concentrated within the political majority, and particularly in the executive. Improved accountability is reported, but the factors behind this increase are difficult to determine. Regarding democracy and legitimacy, we could not measure any external effects of the reform. The politicians in opposition show a high degree of frustration, caused both by internal factors in the organisation of county politics and in constraints on county politics imposed at national level. In the long run this may lead to decreased legitimacy for the political system. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractIn an evolving deliberative system, a crucial question is how deliberation of ordinary citizens differs from that of professional politicians. This study compares the deliberative capacity of citizens and political elites on exactly the same issue, namely a direct democratic initiative in Switzerland on the expulsion of criminal immigrants. In concrete, I perform a quantitative content analysis of the quality of citizen deliberation in an online poll and compare this to the quality of deliberation in representative politics, namely in the non‐public committee and public floor debates in the Swiss parliament. The findings show that political elites reach much higher levels of justification rationality than ordinary citizens, but achieve lower levels in terms of respect. I conclude that citizen deliberation, while useful as an advisory tool, cannot replace serious deliberative scrutiny in representative politics.

AbstractThis article focuses on the intricate and developing nature of official politics and grassroots activism in post-revolutionary Mexico. It does so by tracing the trajectory of the Pentathlón Deportivo Militar Universitario, a right-wing youth movement that emerged in Mexico in 1938. By locating the group within both the international and domestic emergence of youth movements in the early twentieth century, the article shows how the study of Pentathlón's formation, objectives and later evolution can significantly enrich our understanding of an important phase in Mexico's post-revolutionary history. Within the context of right wing oppositional politics, analysis of the movement provides a fascinating insight into both the emerging Mexican state's ability to appropriate the radical impulses of the younger generation and the Pentathlón's willingness to accommodate such strategies in order to ensure its own survival.

The Arab-Democratic Revolutions era represents a transformation stage in the Salafi Movements path within the Arab World. Many Salafi groups and movements have entered the field of politics and political parties. Moreover, they participated in the elections of the Egyptian Parliament in 2011 and announced their intention to establish their own political parties in other countries. The involvement of Salafis in elections and politics calls into question about the range of transformations per their ideological discourse in committing to the notion of democracy; taking into consideration salafists voicing their acceptance of the democratic game or the democratic system, given its description as a final system and abandoning their previously opposing or rejectful positions. This study discusses the transformation of the Salafi discourse towards democracy, and the new role of the salafi political dimension.