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In her recent essay, Jessica Whyte has challenged the tendency to repurpose Friedrich Hayek's thought for a progressive and participatory politics. Objecting to such thinkers as Michel Foucault and William Connolly who find inspiration in Hayek's critique of the monolithic political sovereign and his defense of spontaneous order, Whyte contends that his neoliberalism is actually predicated on the cultivation of politically submissive subjectivity and the curtailment of democratic politics. While agreeing with her substantive conclusions, I suggest that her conceptual frame centered on the themes of invisibility and providentialism is limited in explaining Hayek's ideas and, more generally, the operation of neoliberalism. Pace Whyte, I argue that Hayek's neoliberalism does not simply stave off political challenges by obfuscation, but wages an active and highly visible campaign to recruit and interpellate individuals as market subjects.

AbstractThis article examines the various possibilities for making an analogy or disanalogy between cosmetic and trans surgeries, focusing on the suggestion that trans surgeries are medically necessary while cosmetic surgeries are not—a position that has a great deal of rhetorical force. The authors argue that this disanalogy both fails to understand the complexity of the justifications used by recipients of these diverse surgeries and should be seen as symptomatic of various attempts in medical practice to impose particular understandings of suffering, gender identity, and gender politics on trans patients. The appeal to the intense and intrinsic suffering of the trans patient because they cannot become the normatively gendered person they always believed themselves to be, the authors argue, elides the diversity of trans experience as well as coerces trans patients into a politics of ressentiment.

AbstractWe analyze the effects of opportunistic and partisan politics on the licensing of construction activities, which in turn determines the level of housing supply. In line with Political Business Cycle theory, we hypothesize that the municipal incumbent may manipulate the supply of construction permits before (general and local) elections in order to boost economic activity and voter satisfaction, or to accommodate special‐interest groups. Our findings, based on time‐series data from post‐socialist Tirana (Albania), are consistent with opportunistic and partisan incentives' creating cycle effects in the licensing of construction permits. However, we find that the direction of opportunistic election cycles depends critically on the interaction between the municipal incumbent and the central‐level government. Our paper raises important questions about the effects of transition politics on spatial development in post‐socialist cities.

One of the most important developments in American politics over the last 40 years has been the rise of negative partisanship—the phenomenon whereby Americans largely align against one party instead of affiliating with the other. Though it has the power to reshape patterns of political behavior, little is known about the microfoundations driving negative partisanship. In this article, we show how the growing racial divide between the two major parties, as well as the presence of partisan‐friendly media outlets, have led to the rise of negative partisanship. We also utilize the growing literature on personality and politics to show how the Big Five personality traits are predictive of negative partisanship. The results suggest that the psychological roots of negative partisanship are both widespread and, absent drastic individual and structural‐level changes, likely to persist.

This paper asks how governments across Europe have responded to the dilemma between financialresponsibility and political responsiveness against the background of heightened fiscal pressure.Focusing on the domestic politics of healthcare reforms in four contrasted cases (England, France,Hungary, and Ireland), we investigate how governments frame and legitimize these reforms. Wefind that references to input legitimacy vary greatly according to prevailing values of governmentsand party politics in the respective national realms. With regard to output legitimacy, efficiency andfinancial sustainability tend to prevail over concerns related to quality in those countries that aremore affected by debt. Across all cases, governments rely on an instrumentalist conception ofthroughput legitimacy, meaning that they use consultation with different stakeholders as a way toprevent adverse politicization and to support their framing of the reforms. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This paper aims to explore the dynamics of competition in the Asia Pacific region. The analysis in this article used a qualitative approach based on secondary data. The data collected from the official reports and other relevant sources. The findings showed that there is instability in intrastate politics, it does not have much effect on regional political constellations. Geopolitical and geo-economic shifts in the region are ongoing so it is natural that there is a process of adaptation that creates a bit of friction with domestic politics. Economy and military serve as a power base for superpowers to be able to spread its influence in a minor power state. However, the power of the superpower is not always constant. The tide of the presence of force can affect the political constellation of the region and lead to changes in hegemony.

The German energy transition is not only characterized by wide technological changes but also by spatial restructuring. The decentralization of energy supply potentially increases the importance of the regional or local scale. The Anglo-American debate on the Politics of Scale addresses the production and transformation of scale while energy issues have not yet been systematically addressed. This paper combines the theoretical paradigms of scale, rescaling and scalar strategies with empirical examples from the German energy transition. Using the cases of energy regions, remunicipalizations and social movements, the implications of the German energy transition are analyzed regarding the role of scale. The paper argues that the perspective of the Politics of Scale can contribute not only to a better understanding of the different dimensions of energy transitions but also to critical energy geographies in general.

This article analyzes the microprocesses that imbue bread with meaning and the macropolitics that shape its subsidized provision. It begins by outlining bread's multiple forms of value and significance, some easily quantifiable, others not. It problematizes the predominant approach to studying moral economies before putting forth an alternative framework. Drawing on eighteen months of fieldwork in Jordan, the following empirical sections examine the different ways in which bureaucrats, bakers, and ordinary citizens portray the government's universal subsidy of Arabic bread. I unpack the diverse opinions encountered in the field and discuss their links to the Hashemite regime's polyvalent legitimating discourse. The article then dissects the politics of provisions that contribute to the bread subsidy's paradoxical persistence. It concludes by considering the relationship between moral economies, opposition politics, and authoritarian power in the context of Jordan's ongoing food subsidy debate.

Legal Policy is a new study and part of constitutional law (Staatrecht). Legal Policy is derived from two disciplines which are the Science of Law and the Philosophy of Law. Thus, it is not an intersection between the science of Law and Politics. Legal Policy operates on an empirically functional level using the teleological constructive method. This implies that politics is in the sense of ethics and the techniques of forming law (rechtsvorming) and law discovery (rechtsvinding). From the ontological and epistemological aspects, Legal Policy has a very strong root to be included in the science of law because its core is laws of legislation in various forms and levels. Legal Policy provides an academic basis for the process of formation and discovery which is in line with welfare, circumstances, culture, and existing values in society. Keywords: legal policy, rechtvinding, rechtsvorming, taxonomy

Political communication mixes communication and political science. As a field of study, it encompasses how information spreads and how it can influences politics, voters, journalists, and policy makers. Nowadays, digitalization imbues every aspect of our society, even politics. The aim of this research is to study qualitatively and quantitatively some characteristics of online political communication in order to establish some guidelines that politicians should follow if they wish to increase their popularity and visibility. Therefore I endeavoured to identify what Belgians voters prefer in terms of political communication on social media, what attributes politicians' digital output should exhibit to have a real positive impact on potential voters. Consequently, the central research question of this study is: 'How do citizens develop a preference for political personalities through their use of social media?'

Recent years have witnessed an expanding body of peri-urban and urban scholarship. However, recent scholarship has yet to adequately address the central role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. Thearticle focuses on the trans-Hindon region which is part of Ghaziabad city, close to India's capital, Delhi. We draw upon urban political ecology and peri-urban scholarship to explain the role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. We argue in favour of creating stronger synergy between peri-urban and UPE debates as part of conceptualizing water quality decline. The article shows that as a complex socio-political challenge, water quality decline is centrally shaped by the intensifying linkages between urban and peri-urban forms of development and as a result deserves central attention as part of both these debates. ; publishedVersion

Charles Harpur was the oustanding radical intellectual of early nineteenth-century New South Wales. His particular brand of spiritualised republicanism has long been of interest to scholars, but hitherto analysts of his politics have focussed mainly on the content of his opinions, rather than the form in which he expressed them. In this essay, I present a formalist analysis of Harpur's poetry, revealing how he structured his verse to express his radical convictions. His finest poems are inevitably perspectival and progressive. He was a pluralist who sought to represent reality from a range of perspectives; and he was an idealist who described objects in terms of their progressive growth toward higher forms. If we recognise these two elements of his poetics, we can come to a truer understanding of his politics and a fairer assessment of his achievement as a poet.

Presented in the late 70s, the theory of Complex Interdependence is in line with the contemporary scenario of international politics. International politics has given up the traditional approaches of hard power. Non-state actors now serve as significant stakeholders in world peace. This paper examines CPEC along the framework of Complex Interdependence. China will build a network of roads, railways and highways across Pakistan, contributing to infrastructure development and economic growth. The notion that China and Pakistan are "iron brothers" is popular among the diplomatic circles of both states. Both states share military, diplomatic and strategic ties. However, the economic ties could not be realized to the full potential as contacts at the societal level are minimal. CPEC possesses the ability to bridge these gaps and transform the relation into "Complex Interdependence".

This article investigates how computational media have come to shape the form and function of identity in contemporary society, suggesting that these technologies have conscripted users into systems of compulsory identification with or as a set of discrete categories for the purpose of value extraction largely divorced from or in direct contradiction with a radical politics of difference. The author suggests we must begin to imagine how queer theory and queer life might rearticulate themselves in ways that engage with and within technical systems, that is, to imagine a queer technics that is explicitly situated within the logic of information. Taking up this task, the essay proposes a queer politics of subtraction through an investigation of the now ubiquitous relational database management system known as SQL, suggesting its use of the NULL marker opens space for a queer indeterminacy.

Recent years have witnessed an expanding body of peri-urban and urban scholarship. However, recent scholarship has yet to adequately address the central role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. The article focuses on the trans-Hindon region which is part of Ghaziabad city, close to India's capital, Delhi. We draw upon urban political ecology and peri-urban scholarship to explain the role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. We argue in favour of creating stronger synergy between peri-urban and UPE debates as part of conceptualizing water quality decline. The article shows that as a complex socio-political challenge, water quality decline is centrally shaped by the intensifying linkages between urban and peri-urban forms of development and as a result deserves central attention as part of both these debates.