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This study shows how interest group-party relations, parties' cross-cutting policy preferences, and competition with challenger parties shape the structure of issue competition on climate policy. It uses the 'most similar' cases of the UK and Ireland to show how differences in party systems influence the structure of issue competition. Theoretically, the study takes up the challenge of integrating salience and position in the conceptualisation of climate policy preferences. Empirically, it provides new evidence on factors influencing climate policy preferences and the party politics of climate change, focusing on interest groups, party ideology, and challenger parties. Further, it identifies similarities between the general literature on interest group influence on party preferences and the literature on interest groups in climate politics, and seeks to make connections between them.

This article attempts to analyze the transitivity pattern in the media discourse analysis of Irwan Prayitno's reportage in Padang Ekspres. The study was conducted using a qualitative approach. Data were collected using documentation techniques and analyzed using the transitivity features on Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics. The research findings show that there are four types of processes in the media discourse of Irwan Prayitno's reportage in Padang Ekspres: material processes (50.8%), behavioral processes (22.1%), verbal processes (20.4%), and mental processes (6.7 %). The dominance of material processes in Irwan Prayitno's reportage as a political figure reflects an effort to represent him as a leader who focuses on real work and action. This representation pattern also strengthens the existence of mutualistic relations between mass media and politics in electoral politics and other kinds of mass mobilization.

Starting from a reflection about the role held by political ecology, anthropology, critical theories in a possible dialogue between social and environmental dimension, I would like to demonstrate how strong is the connection between them, how much nature is a category culturally created and a translation of specific politics, specific social and power relations: social environmental conflicts totally represent this condition and, in particular, poaching proves to be a context of widespread violence, organized criminality and social economical decay in local contexts, as well as example of cruelty against non human endangered species. Environmental crimes as social environmental conflicts prove the urgency to formulate international politics, create collaborations between governments, NGO, academics, activists and review epistemological categories for a holistic knowledge and interconnected fields of study.

The two general elections held in Italy in 2013 and 2018 were particularly significant: While the anti‑systemic Five Star Movement and the Lega were hugely successful, established parties such as Forza Italia and Partito Democratico fell behind . Numerous scholars regarded the election results as a signal of a radical turning point in Italian politics . However, such an interpretation seems to undervalue the persistence of a number of traditional features within the Italian political system . Taking into consideration the main systemic characteristics over the last 30 years, it is apparent that the rise of the Five Star Movement and the Lega did not radically modify Italian politics . Both parties are a consequence as well as a catalyst of the political crisis and of the Italian "infinite transition" that began in 1992 .

Sociolinguistic competence refers to the ability to use language that is appropriate to social contexts. Alptekin (2002, p. 58) explains that social context refers to culture-specific contexts that include the norms, values, beliefs, and behavioural patterns of a culture. For example, thanking a friend in a formal speech is different from how it is done over a meal. Sociolinguistic competence also refers to the ability to select topics that are appropriate for a communicative event. For example, expressing strong views about politics and religion over dinner is generally avoided. This rule is also moderated depending on the relationship between the guest and the host. If politics and religion are their favourite topics and if they know each other very well, these topics might well be appropriate.

The English novelist and writer George Orwell, who was concerned about the quality of the English language in relation to politics, maintained in his essay Politics and the English Language (1946) that the word 'democracy' had a variety of interpretations and that it was impossible to extract its essence from them to create a single meaning. His perception still has relevance today. It raises the fundamental question investigated by this book: if democracy, and hence democratic citizenship, cannot be defined, how can it be taught? There is no doubt that throughout Europe, countries consider themselves to be democratic, but what does this mean, ideologically and practically? And how do these countries pass on their conceptions of democracy through education so that their young people can act as democratic citizens? ; peerReviewed

The study of democratic theory and democratic politics is at the core of the discipline of political science. Yet the very centrality of democracy to the discipline may be what makes it difficult to sort out whether political science is doing the work of democracy rather than simply the analysis of it. Political science's origins were civic minded but it has evolved into a more professionalized observer of politics than a promoter or creator of democracy. Nonetheless, in recent years there has been, as in many disciplines, a renewed interest in the civic component of our work and a challenge to the dominant paradigms of disinterested analysis and formal modeling. There are promising developments in political science that are contributing to the deliberative democracy "movement," both in research and pedagogy.

This paper utilizes NVivo 12 Plus, a type of qualitative data analysis software, for qualitative document content analysis as a means of understanding informal fiscal policymaking practices, including bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and transactional politics. Use of NVivo 12 Plus for qualitative document content analysis facilitated the management, analysis, and visualization of data on informal fiscal policymaking. More specifically, qualitative content analysis of decisions of the Supreme Court of Indonesia revealed that informal fiscal policymaking in Malang City, Malang Regency, and Batu City, Indonesia, involved the practices of bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and transactional politics between regional leaders, bureaucrats, private actors, and political brokers. This paper contributes a qualitative research design that can be used to explain informal practices in fiscal policymaking and budget management.

The puzzle this article examines is how one can study the concept of modernity within the history of its universalization as a process of translation. For this purpose, I look at how the contemporary Moroccan historian and intellectual Abdallah Laroui has critically engaged with the history, politics, and epistemology of translating modernity (Arabic ḥadāthā, French modernité) into his intellectual and political setting of Morocco, North Africa, and the Middle East during and after the colonial period. I read him as making a critical intervention into existing modes of timing and spacing the concept of modernity and, thus, what I describe as the politics of historicity. In conclusion, I make a methodological plea for framing the history of concepts across political borders in terms of translational practices.

AbstractReformers claim that public subsidies and regulation of political finance reduce corruption in politics, while observers worry that they have no impact on corruption, or even increase it. Despite national-level debates and billions of dollars spent, few studies have tested this relationship. The authors argue that political finance reform mitigates corruption by reducing private money's importance in politics and increasing the sanctions for corrupt behavior. Elite interviews from Paraguay's political finance reform illustrate the argument and elaborate the theoretical mechanisms. The study evaluates the argument using an original dataset measuring political subsidies from 175 countries from 1900–2015, as well as disaggregated corruption measures from the Varieties of Democracy project. The findings support the thesis that political finance reform reduces corruption, even in countries where such reforms are unevenly implemented.

This paper considers three arguments by David Shugarman and Maureen Ramsay for why dirty hands cannot be democratic. The first argues that it is contradictory, in principle, to use undemocratic means to pursue democratic ends. There is a conceptual connection between means and ends such that getting one's hands dirty is incompatible with acting in accordance with democratic ends. The second claims that using dirty-handed means, in practice, will undermine democracy more than it promotes it and therefore cannot be justified. The final criticism states that politicians with dirty hands are a sign that politics is no longer meeting the criteria necessary to be called democratic. The paper shows that such rejections of democratic dirty hands are based on misunderstandings of the nature of dirty hands and democratic politics.

Abstract
The essentialist critique of liberal multiculturalism highlights the fact that the latter is inadvertently wedded to a collective cultural identity politics, which has encouraged the reification and rigidification of group identities. Foregrounding difference and preservationist attitudes, such identity politics tend to neglect the development of bridging social capital, and to undermine the emancipatory potential of liberal multicultural societies. In this article, I first seek to substantiate how pluralism in post-Suharto Indonesia has been articulated as liberal multiculturalism through increasing legal accommodation of certain ethnic, as well as conservative Muslim norms and institutions. Analysing how ethnic and religious identities have become more and more rigidly defined in the process, I then gauge the prospects of pluralism in the light of Rainer Forst's four conceptions of tolerance.

To what extent does conventional survey measurement capture the political interest of men and women equally well? We aim to answer this question by relying on unique data from a national online survey in Spain, where we used various questions unpacking the standard indicator of political interest. The findings show that men and women nominate different personal political interests. We also find that the gender gap in political interest vanishes once these specific interests are taken into account. This suggests that at least part of the documented gender gap in general political interest might be due to the fact that, when prompted to think about politics, women disregard their own specific political interests and instead focus on the dominant, male-oriented understanding of politics.

AbstractThis study draws on the 2013 General Social Survey to investigate whether social capital is positively associated with the political participation and engagement of 15- to 24-year-old Canadians. It also assesses whether social capital can help overcome the participation gap between youths with different educational qualifications. Trust in family was the only social tie that was positively associated with the turnout of eligible voters in federal and municipal elections. Associational involvements and generalized trust in strangers were more frequently related to informal political activism and an interest in politics. Online social connections were unrelated to any measure of participation and engagement. Some forms of social capital can help address the marginalization of youths from formal and informal politics, but tertiary education is most closely associated with voting.

I offer a critique of Weber's two ethics. The first layer is internal and concerned with their logics. The second layer considers the external knowledge necessary to apply them appropriately and argues that it is extremely difficult to come by. The third layer connects Weber's ethics to his politics because the choice of either ethic in almost any context is a value choice. This is apparent in Weber's application of these ethics to Germany foreign policy. He used his ethics in a rhetorical way to justify his values rather than using these values as a guide to policy assessment. This reversal is endemic to politics. One response might be to stipulate beforehand the kinds of policies that are unacceptable in democracies regardless of their expected outcomes.