Suchergebnisse

The British Union flag flew 365 days a year over Belfast City Hall and on designated days plus four specified days at the Ulster Hall and Duncrue Complex. This policy was challenged by the Sinn Féin party, prompting the city council to review the policy. Members of the city council consulted with the community, debated, and ultimately decided in December 2012 to change the policy in favor of designated days at the city council. They also removed the flag at the other two venues. This sparked protests from the Protestant community, some turning violent. The consultative process, the debates surrounding the change in the flag policy, and the reasons for the prolonged and at times violence response by the Protestant community is the result of conflict between both religious and political identity groups. This article examines these protests through the lens of cultural identity within divided communities.

This paper examines the impact of Democrats' ideological diversity on the strength of legislative leadership in the California state legislature since 2001. To measure ideological diversity, I use Shor-McCarty NPAT scores and adjusted California Chamber of Commerce SCores to measure overall ideological diversity and ideologically relating to business interests, respectively. To measure legislative leaders' strength and influence, I use a formal powers index and a media analysis of The Sacramento Bee to measure formal and perceived power, respectively. I supplement this quantitative data with interviews of former legislators. I find evidence of a weak relationship between overall ideological diversity among Democrats and leaders' perceived strength, as well as evidence of a weak-to-moderate relationship between ideological diversity on business interests among Democrats and leaders' perceived strength. I also find evidence to suggest that longevity and legislative leadership styles factor into leaders' strength, and that leaders in recent years have emphasized procedural fairness, possibly in response to increased ideological diversity among Democrats. This research has implications not just for California politics, but for the study of state legislatures nationwide and potentially for the study of the U.S. Congress.

This article discusses the arts of governing Islam in Indonesia, a majority Muslim country, which is neither secular nor Islamic. It tries to explain how the premise of governmentality is modelled into the state structure and politics. Rather than seeing Islamophobia as a cultural practice, the article argues that Islamophobia develops partly because of power relations between the ruler and the ruled, or as I call it "regimented Islamophobia". It is the fear of "Islamic threats" – whether real or imagined – that is deemed as a potent challenge to regimes' power and authority. While the notion of majority-minority relation remains essential to analyse the forms of Islamophobia, this article offers a new insight of how political regimes exercise "governmentality practices" or the arts of governing Islam and controlling Muslim aspirations. This practice of governmentality is a key strategy to pacify Islam during the colonial and post-colonial Indonesia. As far as Indonesian political history is concerned, this governmentality practice is old wine in a new bottle; it is the technique Dutch colonial government and the regimes following the Indonesian independence have exercised for subjugating Islam and controlling aspirations of its believers.

Las Alcaldas, by María Gómez-Comino, is a play about the competition for political power that was based on Spain's 2016 elections, with a Cervantine interlude serving as subtext. This paper analyses language strategies and character construction, taking into account different sources of current Spanish politics (e.g., discourses, publicity spots, and the news) and Cervantes's language revival during the 21st century. Furthermore, the image of the television contest will be compared with Gómez-Comino's staging; and interpreted through reflections about the ethics of democracy and power. ; Las alcaldas, de María Gómez-Comino, es una obra de teatro sobre la competición por el poder en la política, basada en las elecciones españolas de 2016 y con un entremés cervantino como subtexto. En este artículo se analizan las estrategias lingüísticas y la construcción de los personajes teniendo en cuenta diferentes fuentes sobre política española actual (discursos, publicidad, noticias) y la renovación lingüística de Cervantes en el siglo XXI. Además, se comparará la imagen del concurso televisivo con la puesta en escena de Gómez-Comino y se interpretará, asimismo, a través de reflexiones sobre la ética de la democracia y el poder.

This paper examines the practice of ingenious citizenship of an Indonesian spiritual group called Paguyuban Ngesti Tunggal (Pangestu), between their politics of religion (agama) and belief (kepercayaan). With the passing of the Constitutional Court Decision No. 97, 2017, the Indonesian government recognizes belief as another form of religious expression besides religion. Therefore, spiritual groups that are unable to be accommodated by religious or belief institutions have had difficulty accessing organizational rights, as they are considered 'abject' citizens. Even so, Pangestu has emerged as a spiritual group considered 'abject citizens' in the eyes of the state that has managed to survive. This paper will focus on two main questions: 1) How does the Indonesian government regulate citizens through the definition of religion and belief? 2) How does Pangestu respond to limited space for spiritual organizations between the recognition of religion and belief, by practicing ingenious citizenship? With these two formulations, this paper shows the relationship between the Indonesian government as an institution of control, and the spiritual organization of Pangestu as ingenious citizens. There will also be elaboration on strategies and unique tactics practiced by Pangestu to cope with the limited space given by the government.

Based on a total of one year of qualitative fieldwork conducted on drought and flood responses in Ethiopia, Myanmar and Zimbabwe, engaging with state, civil society, community and international humanitarian actors, this PhD thesis confronts the uneasy relationship that disaster responders have with politics. Responding to disasters triggered by natural hazards is a deeply political process, but it is usually presented by practitioners, and sometimes even studied, as an apolitical endeavour. This is especially striking when disasters unfold in authoritarian and politically highly polarised low-intensity conflict (LIC) settings. The thesis details why a predominantly technocratic disaster response emerges, which form it takes, and with which implications. In doing so, it presents the case of the Ethiopian humanitarian theatre, with aid actors wearing, dropping and forgetting their masks; the case of non-state disaster responders socially navigating the Myanmar sea of political, social and humanitarian transitions and tensions to get relief towards ethnic and religious minorities; and the case of powerful actors strategically depoliticising disaster response in Zimbabwe, with less powerful actors rather coerced to do so, and the least powerful, community members, bearing the implications of it in their bodies and minds.

This article analyses the changing themes of Vladimir Putin's populist messaging during his almost 20 years at the apex of Russian politics. To reveal shifts in Putin's populist rhetoric, the article examines Russian media framing of his four presidential-election campaigns and of Russia's relations with China and the United States (U.S.). Public opinion data is used to assess the impact of Putin's populist propaganda. The article begins by assessing to what degree Putin can be considered a populist politician, concluding that while his rhetoric is populist his rule is largely not. The article further finds that Putin has maintained his populist appeal by turning his ire from domestic economic elites to international political enemies, specifically by positioning himself as the main challenger to U.S. hegemony in the global system. Putin's control of the Russian media, co-opting of opposition populist causes and geopolitical victories in Syria and Crimea have helped him maintain his populist connection with Russian voters. But, the article concludes, growing access to anti-Kremlin online media, the pain of economic sanctions, botched social welfare reforms, and the presence of effective opposition movements are causing Putin's populism to lose its lustre.

This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we'll start on some observations of political liberalism, where in the first moment, we'll explore the book "Two Concepts of Liberty" by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - "being free of" and, not the positive liberty - "being free to", should be the biggest worry of political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (political freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin's bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.

Abstract. The African continent for long has been an enigma for development economists, with several countries witnessing coexistence of rich natural resource base, pockets of underdevelopment and political instability. With the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a target, it is now imperative that the African countries, particularly the nations facing development challenges,need to contemplate and adopt a long-term action plan. However, the existing literature suggests that addressing the concerns of African countries requires both structural and regulatory reforms. Given the proliferation of regional trade agreements (RTAs) in the world today, along with deepening of de-globalizing forces, the practical concern for the African countries is to increasingly participate in Global Value Chains (GVCs) and International Production Networks (IPNs), enhance value-addition within the domestic economy, promote equality in opportunitiesand create employment for the growing young population therein. In a sense Africa is at a juncture, where Asia stood several decades back. The volume edited by Ahlers and Kohli, an attempt to analyze the reform and consequently the growth path in Africa, is therefore a timely contribution to the existing literature.Keywords. Political economy, Economic thought, Politics, Economic system.JEL. B10, L66, Q18.

This study discusses the political model of development of Islamic community organizations namely Muhammadiyah and Al-Washliyah in Medan City. Specifically, this study describes the politics of development of Islamic community organizations (Muhammadiyah and Al-Washliyah) in maintaining and developing their existence in development activities in Medan City. The context of the research carried out mainly concerns the orientation of the two Islamic community organizations which are known to have different schools of thought from each other, Muhammadiyah represents modern thought while Al-Washliyah represents traditional circles in the context of their development activities in Medan City. This study examines the form or model and strategy of development, as well as the direction or orientation that forms the basis of Muhammadiyah and Al-Washliyah's political development policies in Medan City, which of course will have differences because of the different schools of thought. In addition, of course, the development of directions or orientations that shape the political model of development will also have a system or a different way from what has been developed by the government which tends to develop with a secular approach that is felt to have a community side on one side poverty, inequality and moral degradation.

Since 1948, the birth of the Jewish state has been broadcasted by news media outlets all over the globe. Most audiences and viewers are driven by an ideological bias, one that influences the daily consumption of media, impeccably catered to the viewer and their political, social, and moral understandings. This paper explores biases embedded within Israeli and Western news industries through literature, news stations, and language. I will unpack these biases in media representation with concern to the hierarchical structures that exist behind the unquestioned voices or "factual" sources. Israel has been viewed and criticized as a modern Nation-State by American news industry since its origins. Questions defined by leading academics include: How does American news continue to shape Israeli politics today? What methods have been consistent over time? What methods (language, rhetoric, and medium) changed over time? Is public response embedded in the medium? Is the American media biased in favor of Israel? The goal of this paper is to analyze, examine, and evaluate the role that Israeli and the Western news media played during the Lebanon War, as both media outlets generated a strong emotional reaction to this event.

Safe spaces have the potential to become prefigurative groups that aim to create social change. The idea of a safe space as a place separate and sheltered from dominant culture to mobilize for social change has gained traction in a number of academic and practical areas. However, safe spaces have the ability to be both progressive and regressive. To guide our discussion we utilize the concept of community-diversity dialectic to address the tension between these forces within two settings. First we discuss research in an upper level college course rooted in feminist praxis. Then we discuss a faith community's use of adaptive liturgy with parishioners with intellectual disabilities. Following this discussion, we offer a new term, "critical collective spaces", to better capture the work done in these spaces. We offer this alternative label to move popular and academic discourse away from debating about how "safe" these spaces are (or are not) and toward a more nuanced discussion of the community-diversity dialectic and other tensions within these spaces. Our overall intention is to generate dialogue on the regressive and progressive aspects of these locations and to inform the activism and community building process within prefigurative politics more broadly. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Section I: Philosophical, Theoretical & Historical Overview Of The Responsibility To Protect -- Chapter I: Introduction -- Chapter II: Responsibility-to-Protect and a Tri-dimensional Methodology: Exploring the Epistemic-Morality of an Interventionist -- Chapter III: From Peacekeeping to the Responsibility to Protect: Unpacking the Genealogy and History of the RtoP Doctrine in the International Humanitarian System -- Section II: Theory & Practice Of The Responsibility To Protect In Africa -- Chapter IV: A Critical Reflection of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's Responsibility to Protect Intervention in Libya -- Chapter V: Horizontal Inequality - Armed Violence and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa: The Cote d'Ivoire Experience -- Chapter VI: Insurgency, Responsibility to Protect at the Expense of Local Protection in the Civilian Joint Task Force in the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria -- Chapter VII: The Sahel Region and the Dilemma of Civilian Protection: A Challenge to the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter VIII: The Anglophone – Cameroon Conflict and the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter IX: The Responsibility to Protect and International Community Response to the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria -- Chapter X: From Regionalization of Peacekeeping to the Responsibility to Protect in Africa: The Gambia Experience -- Chapter XI: The US Foreign Policy and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa -- Section III: Emerging & contending issues from the pratice of the responsibility to protect in africa -- Chapter XII: The African Union, Responsibility to Protect and the Mantra of African Solutions to African Problems -- Chapter XIII: Implementing the RtoP: Coordinating Approaches Between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) -- Chapter XIV: Peace Enforcement In The Face of International Military Intervention -- Chapter XV: The Media, Armed Conflict, and the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter XVI: Exploring the Legal Discourse on the Practice of the Responsibility to Protect in Africa -- Chapter XVII: Responsibility to Protect and the Avoidance of the Responsibility: Ending Atrocity Crimes in Northern Nigeria -- Chapter XVIII: Environmental Challenges, Climate Change and the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) In Africa -- Section IV: Institutionalization, consolidation & prospects of the responsibility to protect in africa -- Chapter XIX: From the Sustainable Development Goal 16 to the African Union's Silencing the Guns Agenda: Why is it so Difficult to Achieve Sustainable Peace and Stability in Africa? -- Chapter XX: Can the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine Act as a Deterrent against Mass Atrocity and Human Rights Infringement in Africa? -- Chapter XXI: The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP): Norm Institutionalization, Issues, and Challenges -- Chapter XXII: Responsibility to Protect: From Contestation to Internationalization.

The new form of welfare state, which encourages people to actively seek work, and its organisations, which are run according to economic criteria, are the results of far-reaching reforms. What effect have those reforms had on the day-to-day running of advisory and employment organisations? What tensions have arisen there as a result of these necessary changes?This anthology aims to consider the extensive restructuring of employment services as an exceptionally obvious part of welfare state reform. The introduction of social policies which encourage people to actively seek work and efficiency measures and rationalisation becoming the norm in the private sector have especially transformed employment services. The international comparisons made in this book are the first to reveal the similarities and differences in the changes implemented in European welfare institutions, not to mention their consequences for their employees and ordinary citizens.