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This analysis of Make, a US parenting magazine, focuses on how the periodical attempts to democratize science and technology through do-it-yourself (DIY) politics by rendering it a problem of child-rearing. Positioning the magazine within a broader context of contemporary interest in making and DIY practices, I argue that Make magazine deploys constructions of creative children to naturalize risk-taking as integral to future innovations, as a response to tensions between risks and responsibility underlying DIY modes of science and technology. Make magazine's content performs what I define as the workshop-function, which distributes protocols through mass media for inaugurating spaces of scientific work outside of professional laboratories run by amateur scientific and technologic subjects. Make magazine highlights how DIY science and making intersects the politics of social reproduction, since the creation of amateur workshops and their operation become integral functions of the home, tying citizenship and political legitimacy to domestic labor in support of scientific and technological innovation.

The article deals with the process of the formation of the nationally democratic unification of political forces in the process of revival of Polish statehood. It is found out that the incipience and transformation of the Polish parliamentary system after the First World War were connected with a great number of political parties and organizations which influenced much on the functioning of state apparatus of the revived Poland lands as a whole. Such development of Poland is a result of annexation of Polish lands which took place in the past. The territories that had become the part of the Second Rich Pospolyta differed much in social structures and politically legal system. The unification of the Polish society was complicated by the availability of multi-ethnic territories and regional specifications which were historically formed. It is determined that during the first years of independence certain parties and unifications that had the experience of participation in the political life of states played the key role in the socially political life. Polish lands became the integral part of these states. The most important phenomenon in the history of the Polish state became on the one hand the unification of the related ideological courses and on the other hand the polarization of the right and left socially political forces. The national democracy as the basic political force of wealthy people had become the political reunification of such type. The author of the article revealed the process of unification of the right political forces on the basis of nationalist ideas. The National League headed by R. Dmovskyi and Yan Poplavskyi played a significant role in this process. The revival of the Polish state became the completion of the continuous process of unification of nationally democratic forces into united organization. People's National Union became such an organization. The conquest of the independence, the building of the state, limitation and assimilation of the non-Polish population were the basis of the political program of this Union. It is determined that the nationalism in internal and external policy and preservation of the Polish character of the state had become the main principle of the People's National Union activity. It was the main reason why political forces of national minorities were pushed away from People's National Union. When the author of the article deals with the People's National Union activity he concludes that much attention has been paid to the functioning of the parliamentary representation, namely to the deputies of the Polish Sejm, Senate and statesmen of the local level. But differences between parties that were the members of the People's National Union had led to the quick disunity and outgoing of a great number of deputies from this unification. People's National Union had lost the position of the largest faction of the Legal Sejm ; В статье исследовано процесс формирования национально-демократического лагеря политических сил в процессе возрождения государственности Польши. Определено, что становление польской политической си- стемы связано с значительным количеством политических организаций, что влияло на создание всего государ- ственного аппарата Второй Речи Посполитой. Важным явлением стало, с одной стороны, объединение близ- ких по идеологии идейных течений, а с другой – поляризация правых и левых общественно-политических сил. Раскрыт процесс объединения правых политических сил и создание Народно-национального союза как объеди- нѐнного лагеря ендеков. Основой политической программы ННС было завоевание независимости, отстройка Второй Речи Посполитой, ограничение и ассимиляция непольских народов. Выяснено, что национализм во внешней и внутренней политике и сохранение польского характера государства стали главным принципом парламентской деятельности ННС, что, в свою очередь, оттолкнуло от организации политические силы национальных меньшинств Польши. Рассмотрение деятельности ННС свидетельствует, що основное внима- ние уделялось работе парламентского представительства, а именно: депутатам Сейма и политическим дея- телям местного уровня. Но разногласия между партиями, которые входили в ННС привели к быстрому раско- лу и выходу значительного количества депутатов из объединения. ННС утратил позиции наибольшей фракции Законодательного Сейма. ; У статті досліджено процес формування національно-демократичного табору по- літичних сил в процесі відродження державності Польщі. Визначено, що становлення польської політичної системи пов'язане зі значною кількістю політичних організацій, що впливало на створення всього державного апарату Другої Речі Посполитої. Важливим явищем стало, з одного боку, об'єднання споріднених ідейних течій, а з іншого – поляри- зація правих і лівих суспільно-політичних сил. Висвітлено процес об'єднання правих по- літичних сил та створення Народно-національного союзу як об'єднаного табору енде- ції. Основою політичної програми ННС було завоювання незалежності, відбудова Другої Речі Посполитої, обмеження та асиміляція непольських народів. З'ясовано, що націона- лізм у зовнішній і внутрішній політиці та збереження польського характеру держави стало головним принципом парламентської діяльності ННС, що, в свою чергу, відшто- вхнуло від організації політичні сили національних меншин Польщі. Розгляд діяльності ННС свідчить, що основна увага відводилась роботі парламентського представництва, а саме, депутатам Сейму та політичним діячам місцевого рівня. Але розбіжності між партіями, що входили до ННС призвели до швидкого розколу та виходу значної кількос- ті депутатів із об'єднання. ННС втратив позицію найбільшої фракції Законодавчого Сейму.

Globalization is changing the victimological agenda by generating new types of victims, raising awareness of global responsibilities for their protection and eroding the capacity of states to offer it. Examples are victims of transnational organised crime including human trafficking, victims of cyber crimes, terrorism and cross-border environmental crimes. The concept of human security has been introduced as an analytical tool to understand how growing international interdependencies produce a need to protect new categories of victims regardless of national borders. Whereas the concept of national security focuses at threats to the sovereignty of the national state, human security looks at threats to the sovereignty of individuals. In this context, the individual human being is not just defined in terms of vulnerabilities, but also of strengths and capabilities to act as agents of change (victim empowerment). New international arrangements to protect victims in the emerging global arena are under development. Several international treaties have been elaborated in recent years to address the new global security threats. Modern concepts about victim involvement from national criminal law have been transposed into new international criminal law. In many of the treaties, victims of crime have been given procedural rights, transposed from national criminal law (eg. the UN Convention on Transnational Organised Crime and its three protocols have incorporated several elements of the UN Victims Declaration of 1985). It remains to be seen how these individual or collective rights will work out in practice in trials against maffiatype organisations or companies engaging in corrupt practices. Developments at the global or UN level are replicated at the level of the European Union. Although the development of European criminal law is resisted by many member states, there are incremental trends nevertheless. The European Council's framework decisions on human trafficking and on victim rights and the directive on state compensation for victims of violent crime are important instances of victim protection in the framework of EU-based criminal law. The further development of such EU legislation on crime victims as well as its implementation can illustrate how state formation at the European level impacts on victim issues. A related recent trend is the growing attention for international humanitarian law and specifically for the procedural role of victims therein, eg. the inclusion of an elaborate set of victim rights in the Statute of the International Criminal Court. This set of rights stands in stark contrast to the exclusion of the victim in the Neurenberg en Tokyo trials. It can be understood as the fruit of growing awareness of the responsibility of the world community for the protection of private besides collective interests against state violence regardless of national borders. It remains to be seen how these transposed rights, such as the right of reparation, will work out in the setting of the International Criminal Court and whether they will strengthen or weaken prosecution by the new, fledging international structures. A third implication of globalisation is the emergence of arrangements for liability for environmental damage across borders. Recent attention for the responsibility of Dutch companies and authorities for environmental damage caused in Africa by cargo departing from the Amsterdam port illustrates the emerging of new types of victims in the international legal arena. Still largely unchartered territory are the victimological dimensions of cyberspace, perhaps the most radical manifestation of globalisation. The weak roles of traditional national states as well as international structures in cyberspace may explain the absence of a discourse on victim protection in this domain so far but such discourse seems long overdue. The internationalisation of criminal law is in full swing and the emergence of rights and entitlements of victims in international criminal law treaties on crime, corruption and terrorism and in supranational settings such as the International Criminal Court, merits academic reflection. Equally topical seems reflection on the role of victims in international environmental law. Finally, there is an obvious gap in victim protection in cyberspace that calls for critical exposure and debates about remedies from state-of-the-art state authorities or public- private- partnerships. The leading theme of a collection of papers from Intervict researchers will be the relationship between processes of globalisation, emerging threats to human security and the development of new national and international arrangements to protect and empower victims.

Countries responded to the COVID-19 pandemic with various levels of restrictions and lockdown in an effort to save lives and prevent the saturation and collapse of national health systems. Unfortunately, the blockades have entailed hefty socioeconomic costs. In order to contrast the spread of the virus, states have used contact tracing technology, in the form of mobile phone applications designed to track close contacts of those infected with COVID-19. Recent research has shown the effectiveness of this solution, particularly when used in conjunction with manual tracking. Nonetheless, the contact tracing app raises concerns due to the potential privacy implications. The authors have delved into the European legislation that protects privacy through the principles of proportionality and minimization, arguing that in order to quickly resolve the pandemic caused by COVID-19, one cannot blindly trust the exclusive help of technology. Instead, we need the involvement of health personnel, scientists, and no less importantly, the citizenry's sense of solidarity and the duty to abide by the rules of social distancing, the use of protective devices and hygiene rules to protect public health.

The article presents the Constitution of the Fifth French Republic from 1958 by showing fundamental principles of political system, the most important institution and the most essential amendments to the Constitution. According to the intention of its authors, the Constitution enhanced the position of the President of the Republic, whereas the role of the Parliament was less important. New political solution is the Constitutional Council, which is sui generis constitutional court. Amendments to the Constitution (particularly the reform from 2008) restricted the role of executive power, strengthened the political position of the Parliament and allowed France to integrate with the European Communities. ; Artykuł przedstawia Konstytucję V Republiki Francji z 1958 r. przez ukazanie podstawowych zasad ustroju państwa, najważniejszych instytucji państwowych i omówienie najistotniejszych zmian tej Konstytucji. Zgodnie z zamysłem twórców Konstytucja V Republiki wzmocniła pozycję prezydenta, natomiast osłabieniu uległa rola parlamentu. Nowym rozwiązaniem ustrojowym było stworzenie Rady Konstytucyjnej – instytucji pełniącej funkcję sui generis sądu konstytucyjnego. Nowelizacje Konstytucji (zwłaszcza ta z 2008 r.) przyczyniły się do ograniczenia roli władzy wykonawczej, dowartościowały rolę parlamentu oraz pozwoliły na integrację Francji ze Wspólnotami Europejskimi.

Die SPE-Verordnung soll die europäischen Geschäftsaktivitäten der mittelständischen Wirtschaft erleichtern, indem sie ihr mit der Europa-GmbH ein einheitliches, flexibles und einfach zu handhabendes Organisationsvehikel zur Verfügung stellt. Das Statut der SPE besteht überwiegend aus Unions-Gesellschaftsrecht, das mit mitgliedstaatlichem Gesellschafts- sowie Insolvenzrecht internationalprivatrechtlich verschachtelt ist, wobei die Niederlassungsfreiheit der Anwendung nationalen Auffangrechts gewisse Grenzen setzt. Im Spannungsfeld dieser rechtsquellentechnischen Gemengelage untersucht das Werk den Gläubigerschutz in der SPE zwischen Krise und Insolvenzreife sowie die Unternehmerfreundlichkeit der neuen Rechtsform. Dabei gelangt der Autor zum Ergebnis, dass der Gläubigerschutz in der Unternehmenskrise zwar hinreichend gewährleistet ist, die angewandte Regelungstechnik, namentlich die großflächigen Bezugnahmen auf mitgliedstaatliches Recht, indes die Attraktivität der Rechtsform schmälert. Deshalb sollten vor allem die Lücken im sekundärrechtlichen Gesellschaftsrecht durch verordnungseigene Regelungen geschlossen werden, wofür die Arbeit konkrete Regelungsvorschläge diskutiert

In der Europäischen Union ist im Jahr 2009 ein einheitliches Kollisionsrecht für Schuldverhältnisse in Kraft getreten. Dieses ist auf zwei Rechtsakte verteilt: die Rom I-Verordnung über das auf vertragliche Schuldverhältnisse anzuwendende Recht sowie die Rom II-Verordnung über das auf außervertragliche Schuldverhältnisse anzuwendende Recht. Damit wird die Frage, was einen Vertrag im Sinne des europäischen Kollisionsrechts konstituiert, zum zentralen Abgrenzungsmoment des Anwendungsbereichs beider Verordnungen. Der Verfasser entwickelt in seiner Arbeit ein einheitliches Vertragskonzept für das europäische Kollisionsrecht. Zunächst wird aufgezeigt, dass dem Wortlaut der Verordnungen eine Definition für den Begriff des Vertrages nicht entnommen werden kann. Nach der sich anschließenden rechtsvergleichenden Betrachtung verschiedener Vertragskonzepte stellt sich heraus, dass auch die Übernahme eines bestehenden Modells nicht unproblematisch ist. Im letzten Teil stellt der Autor ein eigenes Vertragskonzept vor, das unterschiedliche vertragstheoretische Ansätze kombiniert und den Anforderungen an einen einheitlichen kollisionsrechtlichen Vertragsbegriff gerecht wird

PurposeThis paper aims to identify the key drivers of US sustainable stock price movements in both the short and long term, deploying a rich collection of variables corresponding to green finance, investor attention and sentiment, market fear and uncertainty, macroeconomic variables, common market risk factors, commodity markets and the carbon emission market.Design/methodology/approachThe empirical analysis is based on two main methodologies. First, the elastic net penalized regression is utilized to select the factors most influential on the price formation of sustainable stocks. Second, short- and long-run dynamics of the chosen factors are examined using the dynamic simulations of the autoregressive distributed lag (DYNARDL) model.FindingsOf 32 candidate variables, the elastic net chooses US renewable energy, European sustainable stock market, EU ETS emission allowances, public attention to sustainable finance, gold and European renewable energy as the most contributing factors to the price behavior of sustainable stocks. The DYNARDL estimation results reveal that US renewable energy, European sustainable stock market and EU ETS emission allowances are important determinants in the short and long term, while public attention (European renewable energy) tends to affect sustainable stock prices only in the short (long) run.Practical implicationsThe corresponding short- and long-run effects of US renewable energy, EU ETS emission allowances and European sustainable stocks on US sustainable stock prices should induce policymakers to keep the price behavior of these factors under systematic review. The formulation of policy measures could serve to safeguard the sustainable stock market from the price vagaries in these influential markets.Originality/valueRelevant literature often focuses on the reaction of sustainable stocks to mainstream assets and risk proxies, limiting analysis to a few factors and providing an incomplete understanding of the drivers behind sustainable stock prices. More comprehensive research is needed due to the lack of studies on the determinants of sustainable stock prices and the growing global demand for these investments. This paper aims to address this gap by examining the potential explanatory power of 32 candidate factors representing key players in the global economic and financial landscape.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the phenomenon of modern Chinese theater and aims to explore the ways of its evolution – from imitation of European avant-garde forms of theatrical art to the formation of an original artistic language. An important goal is also to identify the factors that have determined the unique aesthetic and meaningful characteristics of modern Chinese theater.Methodology and sources. As a result of the application of the comparative analysis method, the article compares the theatrical concepts of Ibsen, Stanislavsky and Brecht, which influenced the image of modern Chinese theater.Result and discussion. The special role of the European theatrical avant-garde is shown, namely, the concept of Brecht's dialectical drama, which became widespread in China at the end of the XX century. Over a twenty-year period (from 1959 to 1979), three so-called «Brecht booms» took place in China, radically transforming Chinese traditional theater. However, despite the high popularity of Brecht's ideas, the Chinese Theater did not turn into a literal translator of the European avant-garde, but formed its own artistic style based on traditional structures of audience perception. The key role in this process was played by the national cultural context – socio-political and mental – which determined the specific forms of adaptation of the cultural meanings of the European theater. The history of Chinese avant-garde theater lasts for more than forty years and began in the early 1980s. After experiencing a period of direct borrowing, Chinese theatrical figures came to rethink the European heritage in the context of their own culture. As a result, it was the middle path of Chinese theater development that turned out to be the most productive – a path that absorbed the outstanding artistic ideas of Stanislavsky and Brecht, the modern Western avant-garde, but also without rejecting traditional artistic principles. This is how Chinese theatrical culture has developed with its own unique style.Conclusion. The 20th century became the era of the interchange of Eastern and Western theatrical traditions, which largely shaped the world cultural landscape, in which the interaction of Brecht's theory and traditional Chinese culture forms a special topos.

Discourse, as seen in Habermas's definition of the public sphere, is an essential aspect of the participation of the citizenry in the public debate which, crucially, is supposed to take place in a linguistically homogeneous society. The aim of this paper is to discuss the centrality of discourse in Habermas's theory in a genuinely multilingual context as is sub-Saharan Africa. We intend to show that the discursive practices and, more generally, the complex dynamics that characterize public debate in this context are determined by sociolinguistic factors such as 'elite closure', linguistic repertoire, as well as by social exclusion (Scotton 1993). Elite closure, considered as social exclusion based on linguistic competence, has had the effect of constructing a public sphere around a specific version of the European (official) language, as it excludes the majority of the citizenry who makes use of the popular versions of these languages. The correlation that exists between visibility (in the public sphere) and register repertoire accounts for the uniformity or homogeneity in the register that tends to characterize public debates, as even individuals who typically use the popular versions of the European languages adopt the register of the elite (often with undesired effects). Language, thus, divides the public sphere in smaller groups along the lines of register competence as well as of linguistic competence which excludes those who have no knowledge of the European official language. This study further suggests that those groups or sphericules (Gitlin 1998) constitute discourse communities in the sense of Watts (1999), that is, sets of individuals whose discourse practices reveal common interests, goals and beliefs. Lastly, we argue that the visibility of all such groups requires the openness of the public sphere to diverse discourses (Fairclough 1999, 2006), independently of the way they materialize. In this sense, the contribution of the individuals whose linguistic repertoires do no include European languages will not necessarily nor exclusively be framed in linguistic terms. One interesting consequence of the discussion is the disempowering/disempowerment of the (European) languages in the African public sphere.

J.O.'s current research was funded by the European Commission on the Marie Skodowska-Curie Actions (MSCA-IF) from the European Union's Horizon 2020 on research and innovation, grant agreement no. 893762 (NANOMORT). The author thanks his professional mentors in Heritage Conservation Prof. A. Elena Charola (Smithsonian Institution, USA), Prof. Heather A. Viles (University of Oxford, UK), and Prof. Carlos Rodriguez-Navarro (University of Granada, ESP) who helped him in one way or the other to develop some of the critical reasonings included in this communication. The author especially thanks Prof. Koenraad Van Balen (KU Leuven, BEL) for initializing him into Prof. Ostrom's research, and in this novel ecosystem of production based on the commons and especially its possible impact on heritage conservation future. The view and opinions of the author expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect those of the University of Granada, the European Commission, or the mentioned mentors. ; Global cultural heritage is a lucrative asset. It is an important industry generating millions of jobs and billions of euros in revenue yearly. However, despite the tremendous economic and socio-cultural benefits, little attention is usually paid to its conservation and to developing innovative big-picture strategies to modernize its professional field. This perspective aims to compile some of the relevant current global needs to explore alternative ways for shaping future steps associated with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. From this perspective, it is conceptualized how emerging artificial intelligence (AI) and digital socio-technological models of production based on democratic Peer-2-Peer (P2P) interactions can represent an alternative transformative solution by going beyond the current global communication and technical limitations in the heritage conservation community, while also providing novel digital tools to conservation practitioners, which can truly revolutionize the conservation decision-making process and improve global conservation standards. ; European Commission on the Marie Skodowska-Curie Actions (MSCA-IF) from the European Union's Horizon 2020 on research and innovation 893762

This article analyzes the content of the right to freedom of expression as one of the basic principles of a democratic society and its implementation in the member states of the Council of Europe. The international legal regulation in the field of protection of the right to freedom of expression is analyzed. This article examines the legitimate grounds for restricting the right to freedom of expression. Peculiarities of realization of the right to freedom of expression in mass media and the Internet are considered. The article presents cases when, given the specific circumstances, the restriction of the right to freedom of expression may be considered lawful. The article provides examples from the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in cases related to the restriction of the right to freedom of expression. The criteria applied by the European Court of Human Rights in deciding on the legality of restrictions applied to applicants by national authorities are examined. Examples are given of the approach of individual states to the issue of restriction of the right under study in the light of the obligations provided by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The article considers the issue of expressing views on the Internet as a publicly available information space. It has been established that the expression of views on the Internet is covered by Article 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and is not a new subjective right. The study showed the need to apply a three-step test to online content to the same extent as to information in the stand-alone environment when it comes to imposing restrictions. The article examines the role of journalism in a democratic society and the restrictions that apply to the press, taking into account the provisions of the Convention. The decision of the European Court of Human Rights on freedom of journalism was analyzed, which expressed the position that the press should ...

The article is aimed at assessing the regulations of the European Convention for the protection of vertebrate animals used for experimental and other scientific purposes, opened for signature in Strasbourg on 18 March 1986, and Directive 2010/63/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 22 September 2010 on the protection of animals used for scientific purposes in the context of their impact on the number of procedures which set out a model for the protection of animals used for scientific purposes in European countries, in the perspective of their impact on the reduction of the number of scientific procedures using animals carried out in European countries, including especially those involving the highest degree of suffering for animals. The starting point for this assessment was the identification of rules determining the admissibility of scientific use of animals in European countries and the impact that certain measures implemented under these rules may have on the reduction of the number of procedures involving animals. In principle, the analysis of these solutions is to specify the directions of further development of regulations aimed at protecting animals used for scientific purposes. ; Celem artykułu jest ocena regulacji Europejskiej Konwencji w sprawie ochrony zwierząt kręgowych wykorzystywanych do celów doświadczalnych i innych celów naukowych, sporządzonej w Strasburgu w dniu 18 marca 1986 r., oraz dyrektywy Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady 2010/63/UE z dnia 22 września 2010 r. w sprawie ochrony zwierząt wykorzystywanych do celów naukowych w kontekście ich wpływu na liczbę procedur, które wyznaczają model ochrony zwierząt wykorzystywanych do celów naukowych w państwach europejskich, w perspektywie ich wpływu na ograniczenie liczby procedur naukowych z wykorzystaniem zwierząt przeprowadzanych w państwach europejskich, w tym w szczególności procedur wiążących się z najwyższym poziomem doznawanych przez zwierzęta cierpień. Punktem wyjścia do tej oceny było określenie zasad determinujących dopuszczalność wykorzystania zwierząt do celów naukowych w państwach europejskich, a także wpływu, jaki określone środki wdrażane w ramach tych zasad mogą wywierać na ograniczenie liczby procedur z wykorzystaniem zwierząt. W założeniu analiza tych rozwiązań ma pozwolić na wskazanie kierunków dalszego rozwoju regulacji mających na celu ochronę zwierząt wykorzystywanych w celach naukowych.

Das neue Emissionsreduktionziel der EU von 55 Prozent gegenüber 1990 erfordert den Hochlauf von umfassenden, kostspieligen Technologieinvestitionen zur Dekarbonisierung der Industrie. Gleichzeitig unterliegen erst knapp 20 Prozent der weltweiten Emissionen einer direkten CO2-Bepreisung (World Bank, 2020) und die regionalen CO2-Preise liegen meist unter dem europäi-schen Zertifikatspreis. Damit die Transformation der europäischen Industrie weiterhin mit ei-nem international konkurrenzfähigen Produktionsstandort Europa vereinbar ist, sind zuneh-mende Wettbewerbsnachteile für europäische Hersteller und das steigende Risiko einer Verla-gerung der Produktion und der Emissionen an außereuropäische Standorte (Carbon Leakage) einzudämmen. Im Rahmen ihres Green Deals plant die EU-Kommissionen dazu einen Grenzaus-gleich (Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, CBAM) auf Emissionen von importieren Indust-rieprodukten, wenn diese aus Regionen mit geringerem CO2-Preisniveau stammen (EC, 2019). Die Einführung eines Grenzausgleichsmechanismus wird handelspolitische Implikationen mit sich bringen. Sollten die Handelspartner die Grenzabgaben als protektionistisch motivierte Maß-nahme bewerten, könnten sie eine Klage vor der Welthandelsorganisation WTO erheben und Vergeltungsmaßnahmen einleiten. Die Welthandelsregeln enthalten zwar Ausnahmen für Um-weltgüter, doch die endgültige WTO-Konformität lässt sich erst durch drohende Gerichtsverfah-ren endgültig klären. Gerade für exportorientierte Hersteller in Europa liegt hierin ein besonde-res Risiko, denn der Grenzausgleich würde vor allem Zuliefererländer wie Russland, die Türkei und China betreffen, die gleichzeitig wichtige Exportzielländer sind. [.] ; The European Green Deal stipulates an increase in the emissions reduction target for 2030 from 40 to 55 percent compared with the base year 1990. This also requires the ramp-up of extensive technology investments for a decarbonization pathway for industry, which tends to entail higher abatement costs. At the same time, only just under 20 percent of global emissions are subject to direct CO2 pricing (World Bank, 2020), and regional CO2 prices tend to be lower than the European certificate price. In order to ensure that the transformation of European industry con-tinues to be compatible with Europe remaining an internationally competitive production loca-tion, increasing competitive disadvantages for European manufacturers and the associated growing risk of production and emissions being shifted to non-European locations (carbon leak-age) must be contained. As part of its Green Deal, the EU Commission plans to replace the free allocation of emission rights with a border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) on emissions from imported industrial products if they originate from regions with lower CO2 price levels (EC, 2019). In this paper, we explore the potential design of a CBAM and discuss several issues regarding its implementation. Moreover, we discuss potential impacts using emissions- and trade-intensive industries like steel and cement as an example. [.]

In 2014, European countries began implementing the Youth Guarantee Programme (YGP), one of the European Commission's most important initiatives designed to combat the issue of youth unemployment. This led to a decrease in the number of young NEETs over the subsequent 6 years. Based on data concerning the extent and size of the NEETs phenomenon at the European level, the number of NEETs who benefit from various measures, and data regarding programmes for NEETs financed by ESF, this paper presents an overview of the YGP implementation in Romania during the 2014−2020 period. It does so by identifying the main challenges and barriers that prevented the achievement of the proposed results. In that regard, the main barriers in the implementation of YGP in Romania are related to the lack of coordination of measures between institutions; a lack of flexibility in registering young NEETs; low levels of partnership with local authorities, companies, and NGOs; delays in funding measures; and a lack of centralised monitoring data in order to provide a picture of progress and thus necessary improvement measures. Keywords: NEETs; rural; youth; employment; education; Youth Guarantee. ······ În 2014, statele europene au început să implementeze programul Garanția pentru Tineret, una dintre cele mai importante inițiative ale Comisiei Europene în domeniul șomajului în rândul tinerilor, ceea ce a dus la scăderea numărului tinerilor NEETs în următorii șase ani. Pornind de la date privind amploarea fenomenului NEETS la nivel european, numărul tinerilor NEETs care beneficiază de diferite măsuri și programele pentru NEETs finanțate prin Fondul Social European, lucrarea prezintă o privire de ansamblu asupra implementării Garanției pentru Tineret în România în perioada 2014−2020 și identifică principalele bariere și provocări care au împiedicat atingerea rezultatelor propuse. Dintrea cestea, menționăm lipsa de coordonare inter-instituțională, lipsa flexibilității în ceea ce privește înregistrarea tinerilor NEETs, nivelul redus al parteneriatelor între autorități publice, companii, ONG-uri, întârzieri în primirea finanțărilor, lipsa monitorizării centralizate în vederea determinării progresului și a măsurilor de îmbunătățire necesare. Cuvinte-cheie: NEETs; rural; tineri; ocupare; educație; Garanția pentru Tineret.