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The concept of rural consciousness has gained a significant amount of traction over the past several years, as evidenced by hundreds of citations and its inclusion within the most recent pilot of the ANES. However, many have questioned whether rural consciousness is appreciably different from racial prejudice. We assessed this issue by distributing a survey study to Wisconsinites living in rural and urban communities, and by examining the relationships between rural consciousness, racial resentment, and political attitudes in the ANES 2019 Pilot Study. The survey study revealed that participants living in rural parts of Wisconsin—unlike those living in urban parts—tended to think of city dwellers as possessing more negative attributes. In addition, the survey study revealed that rural participants thought of Milwaukeeans, specifically, as possessing stereotypically Black attributes. Moreover, this tendency was starker among those who scored higher on a measure of rural consciousness, suggesting that rural consciousness is related to racial stereotyping. Finally, in an analysis of the ANES 2019 Pilot Study, we found that rural consciousness correlated with racial resentment, and that controlling for racial resentment dramatically reduced the extent to which rural consciousness could predict political preferences (e.g., approval for Donald Trump). Thus, while white rural consciousness may not be reducible to racism, racism certainly plays a central role.

This article argues that it is not Buddhism, per se, but rather Buddhist extremism, that is responsible for violence against relevant out-groups. Moreover, it suggests that the causes of Buddhist extremism, rather than being determined solely by textual and scriptural justifications for out-group violence, are rooted instead in the intersection between social psychology and theology, rather than organically arising from the latter, per se. This article unpacks this argument by a deeper exploration of Theravada Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka. It argues that religious extremism, including its Buddhist variant, is best understood as a fundamentalist belief system that justifies structural violence against relevant out-groups. A total of seven of the core characteristics of the religious extremist are identified and employed to better grasp how Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka manifests itself on the ground. These are: the fixation with maintaining identity supremacy ; in-group bias ; out-group prejudice ; emphasis on preserving in-group purity via avoidance of commingling with the out-group ; low integrative complexity expressed in binary thinking ; dangerous speech in both soft- and hard-modes ; and finally, the quest for political power, by force if needed. Future research could, inter alia, explore how these seven characteristics also adequately describe other types of religious extremism.

This article focuses on the peculiarities of government forms in Baltic states that were once part of the USSR: Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. The constitutional and legal bases of relations between presidents and their parliaments and governments are considered in detail, and the author makes a comparative analysis of institutions operating in these states. This article also examines the grounds for the resignation of governments, their heads, and individual ministers, as well as discussing the features of the party and electoral systems of these Baltic States. These systems' functions face several problems, and forms of government like semi-presidential and parliamentary republics are shown to lack effectiveness across the Baltic States. It is important to note the instability of these governments, which changed every two and a half years on average, although this did not affect the countries' economies. The presidents of these republics performed political mediation effectively and ensured a constant dialogue with political forces. Since national governments were formed on a non-coalition basis in all three States, an extensive practice of inter-party agreements and alliances began. This created a new type of political culture, where prejudice towards the Russian communities of the states in Latvia and Estonia was prevalent, and this issue is addressed in the article.

Nur wenige Themen geben in der Gegenwart so häufig Anlass zu Kontroversen wie die Zuwanderung (Migration). Es ist zum Teil auch dadurch bedingt, dass sie so viele andere Bereiche berührt - Wirtschaft, Demografie, Politik, innere Sicherheit, Kultur, Sprache und sogar die Religion. Wie kann Europa von der Zuwanderung profitieren und gleichzeitig die Menschenrechte achten? Diese Problematik wird im medialen Diskurs sehr unterschiedlich präsentiert und in der Öffentlichkeit verschieden wahrgenommen. Zudem scheint sich das Thema besonders für politische Polemiken zu eignen, denen dann auch die bereits (nicht nur) in Deutschland lebenden Menschen mit ausländischen Wurzeln, die man jetzt "Bürger mit Migrationshintergrund" nennt, unterworfen werden. Im Fokus des vorliegenden Beitrags steht ein kurzer Entwurf (als Beispiel) der diversen sprachlichen Repräsentation der Migration im Hinblick auf die ausgewählten schriftlichen Texte im Deutschen Referenzkorpus (kurz DeReKo). Es ist ein elektronisches Archiv von deutsch-sprachigen Textkorpora geschriebener Sprache, das seit 1964 existiert und vom Institut für Deutsche Sprache (IDS) in Mannheim gepflegt und kontinuierlich ausgebaut wird. ; The paper reflects the contemporary migration and focuses on a migration and its representation in German medial discourse. The aim is to describe language representation of migration (collocation of migration) in the EU (as social-culturally determined problem) through quantitative and qualitative linguistic analysis, specifically on the example of German discourse. The focus of the author's interest is to capture (represent linguistically) the themes of contemporary migration in Europe in selected German political discourses (in the mass media). In more detail, we are concerned with discourse actors ́usage when writing about migration, using selected stereotypes and prejudices providing a linguistic view of this issue, which is among the most widely debated topics of recent years.

In recent years, there has been a growing debate on the nature of Jurisprudence. Conventionally understood as the theory and philosophy of law, Jurisprudence in the modern era, has had to deal with issues manating from the more 'earthy' realms of political obligation and discourses on the 'nature of the state'. The great diversity of legal systems we see around the world, themselves pose a complex challenge when it comes to defining the 'province' of Jurisprudence. This paper seeks to examine certain basic questions like-What is the best legal system we can possibly hope for? Will these systems safeguard the basic rights of marginalized communities in conditions where there is an aggressive display of 'majoritarian will'? In order to answer these questions this paper will be looking at the contributions of various legal theorists, in particular those of Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls. Dworkin posits the idea of 'entrenching' certain rights, so that these rights are not undermined or destroyed through legislative prejudices. Rawls who in some senses represents the best traditions of the 'welfare liberals, elaborates on the idea of 'justice as fairness' and notions of distributive justice. The moot questions are —can these models be prescribed in the Indian context? Or is there a prospect of an indigenous theory which broadens the horizons of Jurisprudence?

One of the methods used to assist in analyzing and interpreting qualitative data is hermeneutics. The role of Hermeneutics can be very important in the development of qualitative research, including in the field of management. The use in such research can be in the form of Prejudice Hermeneutics or Critical Hermeneutics. Hermeneutics helps researchers to interpret and analyze text, where the text can be in the form of computer data diagrams, company reports or other forms so that it makes sense and can be used in management decision making. However, the use of hermeneutics allows qualitative researchers to describe organizational complexity and view it from many good aspects. from a social, cultural and political perspective. ; Salahsatu metode yang di gunakan untuk membantu dalam menganalisis dan menafsirkan data kualitatif adalah hermeneutika.Peran Hermeneutika dapat begitu penting dalam perkembangan penelitian kualitatif,termasuk di bidang manajemen.Penggunaan dalam penelitian tersebut dapat berupa Hermeneutika Prasangka atau Hermeneutika Kritis. Hermeneutika membantu peneliti untuk menafsirkan dan menganalisis teks,dimana teks tersebut dapat berupa diagram data komputer,laporan perusahaan atau bentuk lainnya sehingga bermakna yang masuk akal.dan dapat di gunakan dalam pengambilan keputusan manajemen. Namun demikian,dalam penggunaan Hermeneutika memungkinkan peneliti kualitatif untuk menggambarkan kompleksitas organisasi dan melihatnya dari banyak aspek baik. dari perspektif sosial, budaya, maupun politik.

This essay aims to answer the main question that this book deals with – namely, to what extent has contemporary culture been determined by multiple changes of identity forced against the will of the societies of the Central European region over the past century. I will focus on the example of Serbia, one of the countries which experienced a belated development of its cultural and, more specifically, musical life, due to unfavourable political circumstances. Ever since its modern-era (re)birth in the mid-nineteenth century, Serbian art music has been playing "catch-up" with the rest of Europe. At the same time, the country itself has undergone multiple changes of its borders, names, (con)federal organisations, constitutions and dominant ideologies, not to mention multiple wars, which have inevitably affected the development of Serbian musical life and its institutions. Due to the fact that this development was uneven, often interrupted by wars or stifled by political intervention, many composers suffered from the so-called "Shostakovich syndrome". As defined by Jeff Simon, this phenomenon applies to composers from non-Western European countries, whose output was "too avant-garde for their native lands, but not advanced enough for the West". Shostakovich himself was a victim of the ideological pressures and prejudices that accompanied the post-WWII global divide.

Inspired by his youth in the Parisian suburb of Montfermeil, Ladj Ly's first feature film explores the presence of the police in the banlieue from the point of view of a special crime unit. Released in 2019, after the murder of Adama Traoré and increased debate on police surveillance, Les Misérables portrays the contemporary reality of life in the suburbs through a shocking act of police brutality caught on camera and the events that follow for the policemen. This thesis explores the systems of the banlieue and their representation in the film and discusses how the shortfalls of the French government in serving the banlieue have attributed to the corruption of the police. Further, this paper analyzes each of the three members of the special crime unit. Despite their stark differences in upbringing, personality, and work ethic, each member contributes to the atrocities of the team as a whole. Because of the prejudices that exist against the banlieue and the relationship that the police have with its inhabitants, acts of police brutality are rampant. The symbols and characters in Les Misérables demonstrate that it is not simply an immoral police officer that commits acts of violence against certain citizens, but rather that the entire law enforcement system, governed by the administration's nationalistic ideology, is at fault.

Religious moderation is an effort to preserve traditions and foster friendly religious ideas. In other words, the idea of religious moderation is actually an option to preserve Indonesia's diversity without having to uproot existing traditions and cultures. In the case of Islamophobia, it is necessary to change a person's mindset or mindset so that there is no bad prejudice against other religions. It is undeniable that Islamophobia can make people devoid of morals or become immoral. Because he makes excessive fear so that negative views arise against fellow Muslims. To stop the spread of Islamophobia, it is necessary to apply the concept of religious moderation in order to maintain the harmony of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. This can be done in theological, political, sociological, and judicial frameworks. This harmony between the people and the Indonesian state is guided by the agreement, Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, Bhineka Tunggal Ika, and the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia (four pillars), which must be upheld as supporters. As a diverse country, what we really want is to live in harmony in a diverse atmosphere, but this is not just a dream for each of us to participate. Of course, differences must be positioned as assets to build harmony itself.

This article argues that it is not Buddhism, per se, but rather Buddhist extremism, that is responsible for violence against relevant out-groups. Moreover, it suggests that the causes of Buddhist extremism, rather than being determined solely by textual and scriptural justifications for out-group violence, are rooted instead in the intersection between social psychology and theology, rather than organically arising from the latter, per se. This article unpacks this argument by a deeper exploration of Theravada Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka. It argues that religious extremism, including its Buddhist variant, is best understood as a fundamentalist belief system that justifies structural violence against relevant out-groups. A total of seven of the core characteristics of the religious extremist are identified and employed to better grasp how Buddhist extremism in Sri Lanka manifests itself on the ground. These are: the fixation with maintaining identity supremacy; in-group bias; out-group prejudice; emphasis on preserving in-group purity via avoidance of commingling with the out-group; low integrative complexity expressed in binary thinking; dangerous speech in both soft-and hard-modes; and finally, the quest for political power, by force if needed. Future research could, inter alia, explore how these seven characteristics also adequately describe other types of religious extremism. ; Published version

This article examines the ideas of W. von Humboldt on language and their simi­larities and differences with the fundamental ideas about the nature of natural languages within the generative framework founded by N. Chomsky. Chomsky famously argued that von Humboldt expressed and defended some of the key ideas of the generative approach. This paper relates Chomsky's idea of the innate universal grammar and idea of generative rules as the underlying basis of the lan­guage creativity to the similar ideas of W. von Humboldt. The paper also dis­cusses Humboldt's problematic from the generative perspective view that natural languages can have a primitive or an advance grammar. The paper considers a possible explanation for the fact that this idea seemed consistent to Humboldt with the idea of the innate universal grammar. The contemporary linguistics views all grammars of all languages as equal because a natural language is con­sidered to be a biological feature of our species developed in the process of evo­lution. This idea was not present in Humboldt's philosophy, which made it possi­ble for him to think that some natural languages have not fully developed a potential hidden in its speakers. In this regard, the author considers the ques­tion of the social mission of the linguist; emphasizes that this is a fight against prejudices based on unscientific understanding of languages and dialects.

In Spain, housing is one of the main axes of social inequality. Its position within Spain's economic model and welfare system is key to understanding why its financialization at the beginning of the 21st century had such different consequences among residents as well as territorially. In this context, from 2001 to 2011, Madrid became one of the most segregated metropolitan areas in Europe. This article delves into how both housing and its location organise inequality in different social spheres and reproduce it over time. To this end, the geography of this inequality is analysed in different social residential trajectories, along with how segregation produces its own dynamics of inequality. The analysis is based on census data and applies a combination of factor and cluster analyses. The results reveal important processes of social residential marginalisation articulated by the interaction between high international immigration and the spatial manifestation of the housing bubble. The main socio-spatial result of this process is the disappearance of mixed social spaces in Madrid, previously located in the centre of the city. This dynamic produces opposite territories in terms of advantage and disadvantage in different spheres linked to social inequality such as education, health, leisure, care and even prejudice. In the process, impoverished immigrants disperse towards the neighbourhoods that concentrate the greatest disadvantages in each of these spheres.

Austria continues to be one of the most attractive countries for asylum seekers among all EU countries. The main objective of this paper is to identify how the current political status of refugees and asylum seekers influences the Austrian economy. This study has shown that oil shocks had highly negative consequences for migrants in Austria. When accessing the Austrian labor market, some of the most striking features that affect the participation of migrants are discrimination based on restricted accessibility to high-wage sectors and pay gaps and discrimination in recruitment. However, the econometric analysis shows that immigration flows have a positive effect on the economic growth of the country. On the other hand, the results showed that there was prejudice and incorrect reporting, which increased the illegalization of asylum seekers. All of these factors create obstacles for immigrants to properly integrate into the labor market. However, the results of the panel data analysis among European countries has shown that the immigration flow has had a positive impact on GDP growth. Labor market conditions for immigrants become crucial from this point of view. It can be concluded that the national asylum policy in Austria was progressively limiting and outweighed Austrian humanitarian interests. A more inclusive policy could contribute to the economic growth of the country.

The article discusses the literary-critical and national political activity of the outstanding Ukrainian poet and states figure Yevhen Malaniuk, using a corpus of his literary-critical essays. The author analyzes the oeuvre of diasporic writers in comparison with that of indigenous Ukrainian poets and prosaists who lived under the yoke of ideological prejudices and persecutions of the Soviet era, a symbiosis of "socialist realism" with stillborn "modernism". Yearning for their homeland, Ukrainian diasporic writers created images of Ukraine the Vision, Ukraine the Dream, Ukraine the Goal, and an ideological political myth of a nation state. Yevhen Malaniuk fulfilled this philosophical and political objective brilliantly. His mythological thinking generated the concept of Ukraine the Hellas as a phenomenon of global importance. From his perspective, only by the glorious heroics of patriots and passionaries is it possible to foster national awareness. However, even with titans such as Taras Shevchenko, Bohdan Khmelnytskyi, Ivan Mazepa, and Symon Petliura, Ukrainian society was nevertheless unable to grasp such heroic endeavors adequately. Outstanding Ukrainian cultural activists never succeeded in viewing reality from a critical perspective. The poet debunks Russian colonialism and castigates Russian pro-imperial literature, the "split" Hohol, the chauvinistic propaganda of Russian culture. Yevhen Malaniuk's oeuvre is seen as occupying a unique role in our literature

The paper continues the ongoing discussion among experts by considering in detail the problematic inconsistency in the conceptualisation and operationalisation of attitudes toward immigrants in cross-national comparative research. The sources of the identified problems, which are primarily associated with a theoretical impasse, namely the isolation and replication of the tradition of the theory of competitive threat and excessive reliance on literature (especially American) on racial prejudice (but attitudes toward immigrants and attitudes toward the African American population of the United States are far from the same thing). Suggestions are being raised regarding the need for a clear definition of the boundaries between groups (immigrants and host population), applying group-specific approach, overcoming terminological diversity, greater differentiation of related constructs, transition from reflective approach to measurement models to formative one to compile a special comparative index of attitudes toward immigrants taking into account country (regional) specifics, solving the measurement problem in the framework of the survey method when selecting items for the questionnaire (including avoiding double-barreled items). It is also considered options for applied conceptualisation of attitudes toward immigrants within metaphors of distance (social distance) and temperature («feeling thermometer») and related issues of their operationalisation. If necessary, illustrations and examples relevant to Russian reality are given.