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The article is devoted to understanding the social and political activity of Ukrainian civil society, what is aimed at overcoming the conflict in the east of the country. The experience of using "road mapping" is analyses as a sort of social technologies. It is constructing "road map" that includes: assessment of the system, also internal and external factors; mission, aims and tasks of social technological intervention; tools and techniques; stages of social transformation; drivers of change and evaluation of the "output system". Attention is accented to need for dialogue between the conflicting sides, highlights the role of "third side" and facilitators. ; Статья посвящена осмыслению социально-политической активности украинского гражданского общества, направленной на преодоление конфликта на Востоке страны. Анализируется опыт использования «дорожного картирования» как разновидности социальных технологий. Выстраивается структура «дорожной карты», которая содержит: оценку состояния системы, в том числе внутренние и внешние факторы; миссию, цели и задачи социотехнологического вмешательства; применяемые средства и приемы; этапы социальных трансформаций; движущие силы изменений и оценку состояния «системы на выходе». Акцентируется внимание на необходимости диалога между конфликтующими сторонами, подчеркивается роль «третьей стороны» и фасилитаторов. ; Стаття присвячена осмисленню соціально-політичної активності українського громадянського суспільства, спрямованої на подолання конфлікту на Сході країни. Аналізується досвід використання «дорожнього картування» як різновіду соціальних технологій. Вибудовується структура «дорожньої карти», яка містить: оцінку стану системи, у тому числі внутрішні і зовнішні фактори; місію, цілі і завдання соціотехнологічнного втручання; засоби та прийоми, яки для цього застосовуються; етапи соціальних трансформацій; рушійні сили змін та оцінку стану «системи на виході». Акцентується увага на необхідності діалогу між конфліктуючими сторонами, підкреслюється роль «третьої сторони» та фасілітаторів.

В статье на основе произведений и путевых заметок русских путешественников и паломников в Египет периода правления Мухаммеда Али Египетского воспроизводится сложившийся в них образ хедива Египта. Проведенный анализ позволил установить, что, несмотря на общее негативное восприятие арабов и турок-осман, хедив Мухаммед Али представал в глазах русских путешественников, в отличие от европейских, светским, образованным и гостеприимным правителем, с которым России рекомендовалось развивать экономические и политические отношения. ; In article works and traveling notes of travelers, pilgrims to Egypt in the period of Muhammad Ali of Egypt board for the purpose of definition of the developed image of a Khedive of Egypt in these works are considered. The author analyzes works of travelers to Egypt and the Holy Land within the XIX century and shows the factors which influenced emergence of certain estimates in an image of the governor of Egypt. The carried-out analysis allowed to establish that despite poverty of the population, the general negative attitude perception of Arabs, including the Ottoman Turk, Khedive Muhammad Ali was the secular, educated and hospitable governor in the opinion of travelers. Meanwhile, absolutely other perception developed at the European travelers to whom honors were also done. The Russian travelers preferred not to focus attention on "east despotism" of Muhammad Ali, considering that use of cruel methods the political situation demanded. Also thanks to notes of travelers it was created including an image of the Turkish oppressor, and Muhammad Ali was presented only from a positive side as the secular and fair governor. Intended creation of a negative image of the Ottoman Turk oppressing Egyptians justified continuous collisions with Porta on the international scene.

В статье рассмотрены экономическое содержание, различные аспекты формирования и направления решения перспективного социально-экономического и политического проекта России на Дальнем Востоке – создания порто-франко Владивосток. Центральное место в этом проекте занимают существующие проблемы создания порто-франко – экономические, социальные, организационные, инфраструктурные, политические, правовые и др., а также противоречия федеральных и региональных интересов и их законодательное регулирование, в частности, взаимодействие особой экономической зоны порто-франко с создаваемыми в Приморском крае «территориями опережающего развития». Важное место в статье занимает анализ существующих экономических, правовых и организационных проблем, которые необходимо решить для формирования эффективной системы порто-франко Владивосток в контексте большей ориентации экономики России на рынки стран азиатско-тихоокеанского региона и развития международного экономического сотрудничества. ; The article describes the economic content, various aspects of the formation and direction of perspective solutions social, economic and political project in the Russian Far East the creation of a free port of Vladivostok. Central place in these project takes the existing problems of creating a free port economic, social, organizational, infrastructural, political, legal, etc., as well as the contradictions of the federal and regional interests and their legislative regulation, in particular, the interaction of a special economic zone of porto-franko with creating in the Primorsky Krai «territories of priority development». An important part of the article examines existing economic, legal and organizational issues that must be adressed for the formation of an effective system of free port of Vladivostok in the context of a greater orientation of the Russian economy to the markets of the Asia-Pacific region´s redevelopment and international economic cooperation.

International audience ; This article aims to return to the phenomenon of gamification and its promises of improving and "re-enchanting" contemporary society. The hypothesis explored is that gamification carries with it the promise of a " total game society ". Gamification constitutes an interesting way to analyze what functions are attributed to the game today. It also reflects the values of postmodern and neoliberal society. Gamification offers unprecedented visibility on the political, cultural, and economic tensions of the contemporary era. Moreover, its place at the heart of contemporary societies, whether Western or Eastern, inscribes it as a driving force in the perpetuation and construction of a Homo Ludens'conception in the 21st century. This idea is explored through Jane McGonigal's theories and various applications of gamification (WeeAkt, Nike +, Innov8). ; Cet article se propose de revenir sur le phénomène de gamification et sur ses promesses pour améliorer et « réenchanter » la société contemporaine. L'hypothèse explorée est que la gamification porte en elle la promesse d'une « société du jeu total ». Elle constitue un point d'entrée permettant d'analyser quelles fonctions sont attribuées au jeu aujourd'hui tout en se faisant le miroir des valeurs de la société postmoderne et néolibérale. La gamification offre une visibilité inédite sur les tensions politiques, culturelles, et économiques de l'époque contemporaine. Plus encore, sa place au coeur des sociétés contemporaines, qu'elles soient occidentales ou orientales, l'inscrit comme un moteur dans la perpétuation et la construction des mentalités d'un Homo Ludens du 21e siècle. Cette idée est explorée à travers les discours de Jane McGonigal et de différentes mises en applications de la gamification (WeeAkt, Nike+, Innov8).

International audience ; This article aims to return to the phenomenon of gamification and its promises of improving and "re-enchanting" contemporary society. The hypothesis explored is that gamification carries with it the promise of a " total game society ". Gamification constitutes an interesting way to analyze what functions are attributed to the game today. It also reflects the values of postmodern and neoliberal society. Gamification offers unprecedented visibility on the political, cultural, and economic tensions of the contemporary era. Moreover, its place at the heart of contemporary societies, whether Western or Eastern, inscribes it as a driving force in the perpetuation and construction of a Homo Ludens'conception in the 21st century. This idea is explored through Jane McGonigal's theories and various applications of gamification (WeeAkt, Nike +, Innov8). ; Cet article se propose de revenir sur le phénomène de gamification et sur ses promesses pour améliorer et « réenchanter » la société contemporaine. L'hypothèse explorée est que la gamification porte en elle la promesse d'une « société du jeu total ». Elle constitue un point d'entrée permettant d'analyser quelles fonctions sont attribuées au jeu aujourd'hui tout en se faisant le miroir des valeurs de la société postmoderne et néolibérale. La gamification offre une visibilité inédite sur les tensions politiques, culturelles, et économiques de l'époque contemporaine. Plus encore, sa place au coeur des sociétés contemporaines, qu'elles soient occidentales ou orientales, l'inscrit comme un moteur dans la perpétuation et la construction des mentalités d'un Homo Ludens du 21e siècle. Cette idée est explorée à travers les discours de Jane McGonigal et de différentes mises en applications de la gamification (WeeAkt, Nike+, Innov8).

International audience ; Traditionally, from a global point of view, the European ancient, medieval andearly modern iron-production has been considered backwards by comparison to the more efficient Chinese industry, where the smiths controlled the cast-iron technology from the fourth century AC onwards. Recent publications on Chinese and European cases give the opportunity to reappraise the question. Cast-iron was produced in both areas in the modern times, but not with the same purpose, and in very different productive contexts. A closer analysis of iron consumption in both cases shows that Chinese farmers used cast-irontools, which were produced in large furnaces controlled by the imperial bureaucracy. Such tools did not need any specific craft in the peasant community; animal power was not generally used in agriculture. European ploughmen instead used steel tools locally produced in small iron-works, which needed the skills of a smith to be fixed. Such steel ploughs could support animal traction (by oxen or horses) which made them highly productive, and caused important losses of metal. From a more general point of view, the use of cast-iron or steel has therefore to be considered as a clue for the description of the agrarian system: the human work-intensive Chinese tradition, with its high yields, was either a technologic, economic and social choice, as was the energy intensive European system. For Europe, the change from direct production of steel towards indirect production of cast-iron was a path towards higher productivity of work and technology. Cast-iron was the same chemical material but not the same produce in the Eastern and Western part of Eurasia.

Цель статьи изучение проблемы перехода российского общества и государства из состояния мирной жизни к условиям военного времени в рамках начавшейся первой в истории человечества мировой войны, выявление морально-нравственных и правовых оснований, заставивших Россию стать ее участником (на материалах прессы). В результате анализа определена позиция России к европейским конфликтам, освещены практические шаги власти и общества по подготовке страны к войне. Дана оценка сражений на русско-австрийском и русско-германском фронтах в августе 1914 г. Следует вполне закономерный вывод: власть и большая часть русского общества нашли консенсус по вопросу о вступлении России в войну на основе государственного патриотизма. Русская армия блестяще выполнила свой долг в коалиционной войне, несмотря на поражения в Восточной Пруссии.The aim of the article is studying problems of transition of Russian society and the state from the condition of a peaceful life to the condition of military time within which the first world war in the history of mankind has begun. It also considers identification of moral and legal grounds that forced Russia to become its participant (on materials of the press). As the result of the analysis the Russian view on European conflicts is determined; practical steps of authorities and society for preparing the country for war are highlighted. Estimation of battles of the Russian and Austrian and Russian-German fronts in August 1914 is given. The quite logical conclusion that the authorities and a large part of Russian society found consensus on the issue of Russia's entry into the war on the basis of state patriotism is made in the article. The Russian army was brilliantly performed her duty in a coalition war, despite the defeat in East Prussia.

International audience ; Traditionally, from a global point of view, the European ancient, medieval andearly modern iron-production has been considered backwards by comparison to the more efficient Chinese industry, where the smiths controlled the cast-iron technology from the fourth century AC onwards. Recent publications on Chinese and European cases give the opportunity to reappraise the question. Cast-iron was produced in both areas in the modern times, but not with the same purpose, and in very different productive contexts. A closer analysis of iron consumption in both cases shows that Chinese farmers used cast-irontools, which were produced in large furnaces controlled by the imperial bureaucracy. Such tools did not need any specific craft in the peasant community; animal power was not generally used in agriculture. European ploughmen instead used steel tools locally produced in small iron-works, which needed the skills of a smith to be fixed. Such steel ploughs could support animal traction (by oxen or horses) which made them highly productive, and caused important losses of metal. From a more general point of view, the use of cast-iron or steel has therefore to be considered as a clue for the description of the agrarian system: the human work-intensive Chinese tradition, with its high yields, was either a technologic, economic and social choice, as was the energy intensive European system. For Europe, the change from direct production of steel towards indirect production of cast-iron was a path towards higher productivity of work and technology. Cast-iron was the same chemical material but not the same produce in the Eastern and Western part of Eurasia.

В статье рассматривается спираль падения забайкальского атамана Григория Михайловича Семенова, который проявлял чудеса храбрости на фронтах Первой мировой войны и в силу своего разумения пытался сохранить армию и Российское государство от развала. И в этой связи он сформировал Особый маньчжурский отряд с целью предотвратить наступление революции. Впоследствии, после падения советской власти, атаман установил террористический режим на территории Забайкалья, где пользовался безграничной властью, опираясь на финансовую помощь и военную поддержку японских оккупационных войск. Но самая печальная страница его жизни относится к эмигрантскому периоду, где атаман сотрудничал с японской военной миссией, был осведомителем в среде русской эмиграции, тесно сотрудничал с Русским фашистским союзом и выступал в поддержку германского фашизма, словом и делом поддерживая его операции на Восточном фронте.This article examines a spiraling downfall of the Transbaikalian ataman Grigory Mikhailovich Semenov, a hero of the World War I, who, to the best of his knowledge and belief, tried to prevent the collapse and fall of the Russian army and state. To this end he formed the Special Manchurian Detachment in an attempt to prevent the advent of the revolution. Later, after the fall of the Soviet regime, he established chieftain terrorist regime in the Transbaikal region, where he enjoyed unlimited power, relying on financial aid and military support of Japanese occupation forces. But the most pitiful page of his life relates to the emigration period when the ataman collaborated with the Japanese military mission as a stool-pigeon, informing it on the Russian émigrés, closely cooperated with the Russian Fascist Union and supported the Nazis in word and deed in their Eastern front war.

Trabajo de Fin de Máster. Máster en Estudios de la Unión Europea. Curso 2013-2014. ; [ES] La Política Europea de Vecindad y la Asociación Oriental son elementos definitorios de la identidad de la UE como actor de relevancia en el plano internacional. Este estudio pretende presentar la evolución y efectos de dichas políticas en el caso particular de Ucrania, y para ello, se centra en los tres actores que, directa o indirectamente, están participando en este modelo de exportación normativa: La UE, como foco de atracción normativa principalmente a través del Acuerdo de Asociación con Ucrania y del futuro Acuerdo de Libre Comercio (DCFTA); Ucrania, como Estado heredero del régimen soviético y receptor principal de las reformas propuestas desde Bruselas; y finalmente Rusia, como Estado dominante en el ámbito post-soviético a través de la Unión Económica Euroasiática. ; [EN] The European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership are the key defining elements of the role of the EU as a relevant actor at the international level. This paper presents the evolution and effects of such policies in the case-study of Ukraine, and it focuses on the three main actors that, directly or indirectly, are taking part in this model of normative export: The EU as the main source of this model, specially by the recent Association Agreement and the future DCFTA; Ukraine, as heir of the Soviet regime and the main recipient of the reforms proposed from Brussels; and finally Russia as the leading actor in the post-Soviet space by the Eurasian Economic Union.

International audience ; Traditionally, from a global point of view, the European ancient, medieval andearly modern iron-production has been considered backwards by comparison to the more efficient Chinese industry, where the smiths controlled the cast-iron technology from the fourth century AC onwards. Recent publications on Chinese and European cases give the opportunity to reappraise the question. Cast-iron was produced in both areas in the modern times, but not with the same purpose, and in very different productive contexts. A closer analysis of iron consumption in both cases shows that Chinese farmers used cast-irontools, which were produced in large furnaces controlled by the imperial bureaucracy. Such tools did not need any specific craft in the peasant community; animal power was not generally used in agriculture. European ploughmen instead used steel tools locally produced in small iron-works, which needed the skills of a smith to be fixed. Such steel ploughs could support animal traction (by oxen or horses) which made them highly productive, and caused important losses of metal. From a more general point of view, the use of cast-iron or steel has therefore to be considered as a clue for the description of the agrarian system: the human work-intensive Chinese tradition, with its high yields, was either a technologic, economic and social choice, as was the energy intensive European system. For Europe, the change from direct production of steel towards indirect production of cast-iron was a path towards higher productivity of work and technology. Cast-iron was the same chemical material but not the same produce in the Eastern and Western part of Eurasia.

Religious extremism has plagued Africa for many years. From its earlier permutation in North Africa in the 1980s and 1990s to its recent expression in East and West Africa, every part of the continent has had its own story to tell about the violence unleashed by religious fanaticism. Boko Haram, a largely domestic group in Nigeria, has become one of the main players on the terror-front in the West African region. Although Boko Haram's grievances are rooted in cultural cleavages and a sense of injustice regarding identity affiliation in Nigeria, the group's activities are increasingly becoming regional involving neighbouring countries such as Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Benin. Recently the group has been parachuted to the international limelight. The kidnapping of young schoolgirls in Nigeria has suddenly racked the international media's attention, raising issues regarding Boko Haram which have been issues long before the social media increased awareness, especially by using the very popular hashtag #bringbackourgirls, on the social media site, Twitter. Boko Haram, like most insurgent groups in Nigeria, emerged from a background of an age-old conflict, which can be described as a conflict between different identities in the country. It is, however, important to remember that a variety of identities do not necessarily lead to conflicts. The fact that a country has several ethnic or religious groups does not make conflict inevitable; it is only when mobilisation around identities occurs or they are politicised that they constitute the basis for conflict.3 Within this article, however, it will be noted that the conflict can be attributed to many influences and factors which should be examined and taken into consideration.

В статье рассматриваются процессы зарождения (и современной трансформации) женского мусульман-ского движения в Татарстане. Авторами высказывается концепция, что татарский феминизм склады-вался и развивался в русле общей модернизации социокультурного уклада российских мусульман, на основе идей просветительства, под влиянием российской аккультурации и модернистских тенденций мусульманского Востока. Революционные потрясения в России в начале XX в. способствовали суще-ственной политизации и организационному оформлению татарского женского мусульманского движе-ния. Однако после утверждения советского режима, оно было вытеснено из публичной общественно-политической и культурной жизни. В постсоветский период на волне религиозного подъёма происходит возрождение мусульманского феминизма. Реципируя модернистские традиции прошлого, современное женское мусульманское движение выступает за сохранение национальных и духовно-религиозных цен-ностей татарского народа. ; In article origin processes (and modern transformation) women´s Muslim movement in Tatarstan are considered. Authors the concept expresses that the Tatar feminism aroused and developed in line with the general modernization of sociocultural way of the Russian Muslims, on the basis of ideas of enlightenment, under the influ-ence of the Russian acculturation and modernist tendencies of the Muslim East. Revolutionary shocks in Russia at the beginning of the XX century promoted essential politicization and organizational registration of the Tatar women´s Muslim movement. However after the statement of the Soviet mode it was forced out from public po-litical and cultural life. During the Post-Soviet period on a wave of religious lifting there is a revival of Muslim feminism. Perceiving modernist traditions of the past, modern women´s Muslim movement supports preservation of national, spiritual, and religious values of the Tatar people.

La tesi integra, in una singolo quadro concettuale, i metodi di analisi multicriteri spaziale su GIS con tecniche di crowdsourcing di tipo 2.0, al fine di esplorare nuove forme di partecipazione popolare alle decisioni politiche. Il modello rappresenta un sistema di supporto alle decisioni politiche (DSS) volto ad integrare, in modo appropriato, i punti di vista dei cittadini a livello individuale e nelle loro forme di aggregazione associativa. Lo schema concettuale è applicato al confronto tra il tracciato previsto dalla cd. Variante di raccordo Nord-Est di Pisa del 2011 e il tracciato previsto dal vigente Piano Generale del Traffico Urbano di Pisa del 2002, alla luce dei criteri paesaggio, accessibilità e sostenibilità. Il valore aggiunto della ricerca è dato dall'integrazione dell'analisi multicriteri spaziale su GIS con le tecniche di crowdsourcing per la determinazione dei pesi e la raccolta delle informazioni. The thesis integrates, in a single framework, a GIS based methodology for spatial multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA) and crowdsourcing tools, based on the web 2.0, in a view to explore new forms of public participation in political decision-making. The model represents a decision support system (DSS), based on the opinions of individual citizens and associations. The conceptual framework is applied to the comparison between the Variant to the North-East ring road of Pisa, and the path traced by the current PGTU of Pisa, according to landscape, accessibility and sustainability criteria. The added value of the research is represented by the integration of spatial MCDA and crowdsourcing techniques for the determination of weights and for the collection of information.

El presente trabajo propone un análisis comparativo entre la Confederación de Pueblos Indígenas del Oriente Boliviano (CIDOB) y la Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas de la Amazonía Ecuatoriana (CONFENIAE). Para ello tendremos en cuenta las características específicas de los territorios en los que se desenvuelven estas organizaciones, su emergencia conjunta a partir de la década de los ochenta y las transformaciones político-institucionales que tienen lugar en ambos países. Se analizan las acciones colectivas en torno a la disputa por el territorio y las demandas que de ellas emanan en materia de reordenamiento territorial. El recorte temporal contempla el período 1990-2007, donde se observa la confluencia de acciones colectivas que visibilizan a nivel nacional la demanda por el territorio. Este proceso alcanza su traducción institucional en los textos constitucionales, a partir de los cuales se abre un escenario político que habilita nuevas luchas por su interpretación e implementación. ; This article is a comparative analysis of the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Bolivia (CIDOB, as per the Spanish acronym) and the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE, as per the Spanish acronym). The analysis takes into account the characteristics of the territories where these organizations unfold, the time-period during which they emerged (the eighties), as well as the political and institutional transformations they have brought about in both countries. The article also analyzes the organizations' actions and demands surrounding land disputes and reforms. This analysis is based on the period between 1990 and 2007, during which land issues became more visible and were finally translated into both countries' constitutions.