Suchergebnisse

The Russian Orthodox Church has been an integral institution of social development for many centuries. The history of the relationship between the State and the Church is very rich and, at different times, there have been a number of peculiarities. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the development of relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the state received a new impetus, and today it is difficult to imagine the devel-opment of a large number of public institutions without the participation of the Church. In Russia there is a tradi-tional relationship between the Church and the state, which has its own specificity. According to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Church and the state relate to separate spheres of activity and cannot interact with each other in the areas of governance and politics. However, in Russia there is a tradition of recognizing religion as an important component of the country's cultural heritage, as well as recognizing religious organiza-tions as social institutions that have the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression. Church and state can interact within the framework of legislation, for example, in the field of charity, the protection of cultur-al heritage, religious propaganda and education. Nevertheless, any form of Church interference in political processes is prohibited by law. State support for religious organizations is also provided, including tax exemp-tions and the provision of land for the construction of churches and monasteries. In general, this support is based on general grounds and is not tied to the Church's political influence on the state. Overall, the interaction between the Church and the State in Russia is characterized by the observance of the principle of separation of powers and respect for the rights to freedom of religion and freedom of speech. The paper attempts to exam-ine the key features of the interaction between the State and the Church as a model of communication of the Russian Federation's modern society.

This dissertation analyzes five memoirs written in English by North American writers of Lithuanian descent, published between 2001 and 2017 in the United States and Canada: Painted in Words—A Memoir (2001) by Samuel Bak, The Barefoot Bingo Caller (2017) by Antanas Sileika, White Field, Black Sheep: A Lithuanian-American Life (2010) by Daiva Markelis, A Guest At the Shooters' Banquet (2015) by Rita Gabis, and Siberian Exile: Blood, War, and a Granddaughter's Reckoning (2017) by Julija Šukys. In their memoirs, these writers reflect on and challenge aspects of Lithuanian historical trauma (the Holocaust) and Lithuanian cultural trauma (deportations to Siberia, World War II, the postwar experience, the refugee experience, immigration). They consider the impact of those historical events on their ancestors, themselves, and their descendants. All five embarked on postmemory rite of return journeys to Lithuania after Lituania's independence from the Soviet Union, seeking answers about family narratives. These memoirs function both as memory and postmemory narratives. In each of the memoirs, the writers explore personal narratives as narratives of culture against the backdrop of collective memory and historical and cultural trauma. Superimposed onto their individual memory narratives are explorations of familial and affiliative postmemory that are geographically, historically, and culturally distant for these writers living on the North American continent, and yet vitally important to them. There is a belatedness to these memory narratives, which in part is caused by the divisions of the Iron Curtain and Cold War politics, and in part because of the time needed to process and heal from extreme trauma (the first generation) or come to terms with inherited postmemory traumas (the second and third generations). Writing in English about Lithuania, these writers function as cultural translators who translate their postmemory experience for an audience of North American readers. Their work is representative of a growing body of literary novels, memoirs, essays, plays, and poems that explore postmemory topics related to Lithuanian cultural and historical trauma and collective memory that are written in English and published in North America by both university presses and commercial publishers.

This dissertation analyzes five memoirs written in English by North American writers of Lithuanian descent, published between 2001 and 2017 in the United States and Canada: Painted in Words—A Memoir (2001) by Samuel Bak, The Barefoot Bingo Caller (2017) by Antanas Sileika, White Field, Black Sheep: A Lithuanian-American Life (2010) by Daiva Markelis, A Guest At the Shooters' Banquet (2015) by Rita Gabis, and Siberian Exile: Blood, War, and a Granddaughter's Reckoning (2017) by Julija Šukys. In their memoirs, these writers reflect on and challenge aspects of Lithuanian historical trauma (the Holocaust) and Lithuanian cultural trauma (deportations to Siberia, World War II, the postwar experience, the refugee experience, immigration). They consider the impact of those historical events on their ancestors, themselves, and their descendants. All five embarked on postmemory rite of return journeys to Lithuania after Lituania's independence from the Soviet Union, seeking answers about family narratives. These memoirs function both as memory and postmemory narratives. In each of the memoirs, the writers explore personal narratives as narratives of culture against the backdrop of collective memory and historical and cultural trauma. Superimposed onto their individual memory narratives are explorations of familial and affiliative postmemory that are geographically, historically, and culturally distant for these writers living on the North American continent, and yet vitally important to them. There is a belatedness to these memory narratives, which in part is caused by the divisions of the Iron Curtain and Cold War politics, and in part because of the time needed to process and heal from extreme trauma (the first generation) or come to terms with inherited postmemory traumas (the second and third generations). Writing in English about Lithuania, these writers function as cultural translators who translate their postmemory experience for an audience of North American readers. Their work is representative of a growing body of literary novels, memoirs, essays, plays, and poems that explore postmemory topics related to Lithuanian cultural and historical trauma and collective memory that are written in English and published in North America by both university presses and commercial publishers.

The work is devoted to the problem of attribution of cyberattacks as one of the top important issues on the global agenda of world politics. The subject of this research is targeted offensive computer attacks that perform state tasks. The authors have systematically analyzed the conceptual apparatus, classification features and general indicators, a set of problems related to identification of reliable sources of cyberattacks, as well as the features of targeted attacks and cybernetic groups supported by state actors. This allowed to conclude that the problem of attribution is emerging as a new scientific direction in the field of international information security. Based on the analysis of relevant studies of academic institutions and private companies, an attribution classification was proposed. It was utilized to review conceptual informal models of targeted computer attacks. The authors have analyzed issues of the applied methodological apparatus, which may affect the reliability of conclusions on imposing responsibility on the perpetrator of cyber-attack, while noting that there is a contradiction between the perception of the attribution results by various political blocs and unions. At the same moment, the USA and its allies are reported to pursue a policy of dominance in the field of attribution of targeted cyber-attacks. The paper proves the impact of modern breakthrough information technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution on the security of cyberspace as well as the impact of the attribution problem on the level of international security and strategic stability. This issue includes a complex set of political, regulatory, organizational and technical tasks with a high degree of uncertainty, where political aspects are playing a central role. The conclusions are confirmed by the statistics of public reports of IT companies and publications of leading research institutes. The main scientific result of the work is formulation of the problem of divergence in the attribution of computer attacks between political blocs and alliances, which negatively affects international security. The authors propose topical measures to solve the problem of attribution of cyberattacks.

This article deals with the ongoing political changes in the South Pacific which are caused by Fiji's failure to act as political centre of the region. Fiji is occupied with the consolidation of its domestic politics. This resulted in vacuum into which other regional states try to enter. The Melanesian Spearhead Group was founded in March 1988 under the leadership of Papua New Guinea. At the same time another subregional community of common interests is being built under the leadership of the king of Tonga - the Polynesian Alliance. In Fiji the Conservative government of Prime Minister Mara was replaced by the Labour government under Bavadra which was in turn superseded by the coup d'etat of Lieutenant Colonel Rabuka - in April and May 1987. In December 1987 the military government under Rabuka was dissolved and Mara became Prime Minister again. One of the main targets of the new government is to bring Fiji back to her former role of leading power within the group of archipelago states and the framework of the South-Pacific Forum. A new "friend" of Fiji, France, offered 14 million Fiji-dollars as financial aid. This was directed against the old "friends" of Fiji, Australia and New Zealand, which both announced the resumption of their aid. The United States and Canada followed suit. The donor countries tried to prevent Fiji from taking aid from third countries, in particular the Soviet Union and Libya, whose influence in the region is not wanted by the traditional donor countries. Despite the progressing consolidation of Fiji its status quo ante as leading political power has not been regained. Crown prince for taking over the regional key function of Fiji is Papua New Guinea under it's young and active Prime Minister Paias Wingti. The Melanesian Spearhead Group fostered by Wingti has two aims: one is the forming of subregional, Melanese ethno-nationalism, the other aim is the furthering of Papua New Guinea as leading regional power because of its large population. Though there are, in diplomatic terms, ...

It is noticed at the end of the last two decades of the 20th century that many Arab countries are directed to pluralism again due to reason such as political instability necessary for the process of development and construction .first, the average of growth was not up to the required level in a state having plural system. Second , inability to reduce social difficulties leading to emigration of the elite .third, old leaders forestall power without granting a space for youth leadership. Fourth, the third reason was for breaking the national unity due to continuous civil wars and disintegration of the states entity and its institutions and subjecting its sovereignty and stability to dangers of foreign intervention and threats, especially that the one party system did not ensure fair and wide representation of people out of which emerged beaurocracy, shortage of real staff and weak coordination .the political stability that the one party achieves was in form because it does not diminish the struggle for power because politics in essence is the struggle for power. Plurality current is reinforced after the fall of the communist systems (soviet union formerly and eastern Europe) of one party system. Recent interest in political reformations was not built on the desire of political leaders in the Arab countries but on internal popular pressure and international pressures led by U.S. to spread its model of democracy and globalization to control destinies of populations after ending the role of some leaders who are no more accepted internally and externally and change faces to ensure American interests. The Iraqi experience in political reformation lead some of the Arab states leaders to think of these reformation slowly as not to correspond the American terms but according to their personal interests. so some speak about political participation, elections ,party pluralism ,others release political apprehended to satisfy political opposition .this process will fail if there is real intention in political reformation and participation , setting opinion and the opposite opinion to prevail in tranquil conversations instead of bombing , grabbing, murdering ,torturing , violence and abhorrent violence.

The article covers the history of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic through the prism ofseveral newspapers of the Czechoslovak Republic during November 1918–July 1919. The evolution ofthe views of editors and authors of reports on the "Ukrainian question" from the first confusion ofterms, names, politics, economy, culture of Eastern Galicia, Ukrainian people. The main "Ukrainian"problems that were reflectedin the Czechoslovak periodicals of that time are demonstrated: issues offoreign policy of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, unification of the Ukrainian People'sRepublic and Western Ukraine, Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations, Polish-Ukrainian war, domesticpolicy of the Ukrainian government. Ananalysis of "Ukrainian" issues in the context of Europeanprocesses and events. It is emphasized that Ukrainian-Czechoslovak relations in this period were builtexclusively on a good neighborly basis. Diplomatic missions were exchanged between the two countries,preparations were being made for thesigning of a full-scale cooperation agreement, andreal steps werebeing taken to establish a Czechoslovak-Ukrainian military-political union. Convergence and furthercooperation between Ukraine and Czechoslovakia were envisaged in the economic, military, anddiplomatics pheres, which, however, were not realized only duetoun favorable foreign policy factorsand the fall of the young Ukrainian state. ; У статті висвітлено історію Західно-Української Народної Республіки крізь призму декількохпровідних часописів Чехословацької республіки впродовж листопада 1918 – липня 1919 рр.Відстежується еволюція поглядів редакторів і авторів повідомлень на "українське питанняо відпершої плутанини термінів, прізвищ, географічних назв до чіткого усвідомлення багатьох питаньісторії, політики, економіки, культури Галичини, Наддніпрянщини, українського народу.Демонструються основні "українськіо проблеми, які знайшли своє відображення у тогочаснійчехословацькій періодиці: питання зовнішньої політики ЗУНР, злуки УНР і ЗУНР, чехословацько-українських відносин, польсько-української війни, внутрішньої політики української влади.Здійснено аналіз "українськоїо тематики у контексті європейських процесів і подій.Підкреслюється, що українсько-чехословацькі відносини в цей період будувалися виключно надобросусідській основі. Між обома країнами відбувся обмін дипломатичними місіями, веласяпідготовка до підписання повномасштабної угоди про співробітництво, здійснювалися реальнікроки щодо створення чехословацько-українського військово-політичного союзу. Зближення іподальша співпраця між Україною і Чехословаччиною передбачалися у економічній, військовій,дипломатичній сферах, що, однак, не було реалізовані лише через несприятливі зовнішньополітичніфактори і падіння молодої Української держави

The article states that the Eurasian worldview has deep roots in history, and the very emergence of this movement may be considered as a response to the crisis that hit Russia and the rest of the world during the First World War and the events that unfolded in October 1917. The concept of Eurasia developed within the Russian émigré community during a difficult historical period, the 1920s, resulting in the emergence of a unique school of thought that encompassed a large array of scholarly approaches to the revision of the major conceptions of the Russian historical development. Among its founders were some of the outstanding scholars of that time: Nikolai S. Trubetskoy, Pyotr N. Savitsky, George V. Florovsky, George V. Vernadsky, Lev P. Karsavin, Vladimir N. Ilyin, Nikolai N. Alekseev and others. Special emphasis is put on the fact that the Eurasian region has long been an area of active and productive historic, cultural, socio-economical and political interactions, well-established traditions and a centuries-old historical background. Thereby, the main aim of this publication is to study the issues related to the emergence and historical evolution of Russian Eurasian theory and, as a result, to gain a better understanding of how this concept developed. The present article assumes that modern independent states are capable of taking international cooperation to a whole new level through the study of the historical dimension of the concept of Eurasia; this particularly concerns the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The conclusion is that the Eurasian idea fosters harmonious international relations, since this concept acknowledges fundamental identity and equivalence of peoples in the geographical vastness of Eurasia. A complicated and controversial shift of global centers of power is now taking place as part of global historical evolution. Eurasia is acquiring a new global dimension and moving to the forefront in terms of world politics and economics. Special attention is paid to the fact that the future of the whole world depends largely on the states located in the centre of Eurasia. © 2017 Serials Publications.

[ES] Este trabajo tiene su origen en la reflexión sobre la ética, cuestión que por definición nos obliga a pensar en relación al otro y a menudo nos lleva a analizar conceptos como comunidad y justicia. En su deriva teórica, se cuestiona por el Nosotros posible y se propone revisarlo desde las artes y la filosofía mientras mantiene presente su reverso, las tareas a las que nos enfrentamos, que requieren también de la política de forma ineludible. En consecuencia, desde este trabajo intentaremos ser críticas con el poder pero también asumirlo, entendiendo que su actuación ha de interesarnos si queremos cambiar las dinámicas actuales; responsabilizándonos del mundo que, si bien ya está ahí, no dejamos de co-constituirlo. Una de nuestras formas de reflexionar se basa en la producción artística, que en este caso involucra un imaginario cultural cuyo énfasis está puesto en la relación con los demás y la imposibilidad de ser un individuo. Para ello, se han elaborado una serie de vídeos inspirados en la idea de baño como lugar universal que recoge el trasfondo anónimo que recorre nuestra condición humana o de seres en el mundo con los Otros. Desde estos trabajos, el baño supone un marco de comunicabilidad y representa la compleja unión de formas de vida. ; [EN] This work has its origin on the reflection on ethics, an issue that by definition forces us to think in relation to the other and often leads us to analyze concepts such as community and justice. In its theoretical drift, it is questioned by the possible Us and it is proposed to review it from the arts and philosophy while keeping its reverse side in mind, the tasks we face, which also require politics inescapably. Consequently, from this work we will try to be critical of power but also to assume it, understanding that its performance must interest us if we want to change the current dynamics; taking responsibility for the world that, although it is already there, we do not stop co-constituting it. One of our ways of reflecting is based on artistic production, ...

El Diluvio fue un periódico barcelonés con una vida superior a las ocho décadas que representaba un punto de vista republicano, federalista, laico y partidario de la justicia social. Unas ideas que estuvieron perseguidas durante la mayor parte de su existencia, de 1858 a 1939. La Segunda República, en cambio, fue el marco perfecto para el desarrollo del periódico, que vivió un gran crecimiento en su tirada y tuvo una influencia muy notable en la política catalana. Fue el diario popular en la llamada Cataluña populista. Los artículos de El Diluvio marcaron diversos hitos desde inicios de 1931 hasta el fin de la guerra civil en 1939 y su impacto fue reconocido por las figuras políticas de la época. El periódico también enfrentó un periodo de dificultades al formarse los gobiernos de derechas y desencadenarse una serie de acontecimientos que implicaron la suspensión de su publicación y censura previa. Jaime Claramunt, nacido en Cuba, fue su director hasta 1938, cuando fue apartado por la Unión General de Trabajadores, que incautó el periódico. El final llegó con la entrada de las tropas franquistas en Barcelona, que cerraron El Diluvio y reprimieron a los hombres del periódico que no marcharon al exilio. ; El Diluvio was a newspaper from Barcelona with a life of more than eight decades that represented a republican, federalist, secular and social justice point of view. Ideas that were persecuted for most of its existence, from 1858 to 1939. The Second Republic, on the other hand, was the perfect framework for the development of the newspaper, which experienced a great growth in its circulation and had a very significant influence on Catalan politics. It was the popular newspaper in the so-called populist Catalonia. The articles of El Diluvio marked several milestones from the beginning of 1931 until the end of the civil war in 1939 and its impact was recognized by the political figures of the time. The newspaper also faced a period of difficulties in forming right-wing governments and triggering a series of events ...

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin dış politikasını etkileyen birçok neden mevcuttur. Bu etkenler iç kaynaklı da olabilir veya bir dış etki nedeniyle de ABD'nin dış politikası hareketlenmeler yaşayabilir. Ülkelerin politikasında iç etken olarak coğrafya, nüfus, nüfusun niteliği/yapısı, askeri ve ekonomik gücü, siyasi istikrar, baskı grupları vs. etkenler sayılabilir. Devletler bunların niteliği ve niceliği nispetinde politika yürütmektedir. Bunlar aynı zamanda bir ülkenin güç öğeleridir. Dış etken olarak dünyanın herhangi bir yerinde meydana gelen bir olay, eğer ABD'yi doğrudan veya dolaylı yoldan ilgilendiriyorsa, dış politikasını etkileyebilmektedir. ABD'nin iç unsurlarından doğan farklılıklar da doğrudan ABD dış politikasını etkilemektedir. Bunların başında da din gelmektedir. Çünkü Amerikan Başkanları ABD'de etkinliğini gün geçtikçe arttıran dinsel grupların oylarına ihtiyaç duymaktadır ve bu grupları memnun edecek söylemler üretmektedirler. Eylemlerini de ona göre dizayn etmektedirler. Bu çalışmada Amerika'nın içerden kaynaklı dini hassasiyeti dış politikasında nasıl kullandığı "Başkanların Birliğin Durumu Konuşmaları" ışığında analiz edilecektir. Bunun yanında Amerikan politikasında var olan ikilemlerin de yine bu söylemler ışığında analizi gerçekleştirilecektir. --- There are many reasons that affect the foreign policy of the United States. These effects may also be internally caused, or an external influence may also lead to the mobilization of the US foreign policy. As an internal factor in the policy of countries; geography, population, a quality/structure of the population, military and economic power, political stability, pressure groups etc. factors affect. States also carry out policies according to their quality and quantity. They are also elements of a country's concrete power. Also external events, as an external event, may affect its foreign policy if it concerns the US directly or indirectly. The internal differences of America also directly affect American foreign policy. Religion is the beginning of these. Because American Presidents need the votes of religious groups that increase their effectiveness in the United States and produce discourses that will please these groups. They design their actions accordingly. In this study, US foreign policy-driven religious sensitivity will be analyzed in the in consideration of the State of the Union speeches of US Presidents. In addition, the existing dilemmas in American politics will be analyzed in consideration of these discourses.

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin dış politikasını etkileyen birçok neden mevcuttur. Bu etkenler iç kaynaklı da olabilir veya bir dış etki nedeniyle de ABD'nin dış politikası hareketlenmeler yaşayabilir. Ülkelerin politikasında iç etken olarak coğrafya, nüfus, nüfusun niteliği/yapısı, askeri ve ekonomik gücü, siyasi istikrar, baskı grupları vs. etkenler sayılabilir. Devletler bunların niteliği ve niceliği nispetinde politika yürütmektedir. Bunlar aynı zamanda bir ülkenin güç öğeleridir. Dış etken olarak dünyanın herhangi bir yerinde meydana gelen bir olay, eğer ABD'yi doğrudan veya dolaylı yoldan ilgilendiriyorsa, dış politikasını etkileyebilmektedir. ABD'nin iç unsurlarından doğan farklılıklar da doğrudan ABD dış politikasını etkilemektedir. Bunların başında da din gelmektedir. Çünkü Amerikan Başkanları ABD'de etkinliğini gün geçtikçe arttıran dinsel grupların oylarına ihtiyaç duymaktadır ve bu grupları memnun edecek söylemler üretmektedirler. Eylemlerini de ona göre dizayn etmektedirler. Bu çalışmada Amerika'nın içerden kaynaklı dini hassasiyeti dış politikasında nasıl kullandığı "Başkanların Birliğin Durumu Konuşmaları" ışığında analiz edilecektir. Bunun yanında Amerikan politikasında var olan ikilemlerin de yine bu söylemler ışığında analizi gerçekleştirilecektir. --- There are many reasons that affect the foreign policy of the United States. These effects may also be internally caused, or an external influence may also lead to the mobilization of the US foreign policy. As an internal factor in the policy of countries; geography, population, a quality/structure of the population, military and economic power, political stability, pressure groups etc. factors affect. States also carry out policies according to their quality and quantity. They are also elements of a country's concrete power. Also external events, as an external event, may affect its foreign policy if it concerns the US directly or indirectly. The internal differences of America also directly affect American foreign policy. Religion is the beginning of these. Because American Presidents need the votes of religious groups that increase their effectiveness in the United States and produce discourses that will please these groups. They design their actions accordingly. In this study, US foreign policy-driven religious sensitivity will be analyzed in the in consideration of the State of the Union speeches of US Presidents. In addition, the existing dilemmas in American politics will be analyzed in consideration of these discourses.

Familiarity with the work of foreign and domestic experts in the research of the problem field of the modern army reflected the fact that out of sight is the scientific legacy of the author of the concept of the ruling elite Ch. Mills. In the context of the development of his theoretical construction certain substantive political and institutional aspects of the existence and functioning of the army as a structural component of modern society were considered. The content of this theoretical construction forms interdependent provisions about the nature and function of a special ruling group, which is considered as a free union of leaders of social institutions dominant in society. By analyzing the main provisions of the concept of the ruling elite, Ch. Mills interprets a number of significant aspects in the development and functioning of the army as one of the leading institutes of modern society. The researcher considers such aspects as the history of the transformation of the army into one of the leading structural units of the American society, the specifics of the emergence and formation of American society, the peculiarities of the development of the international situation in the world after the end of the Second World War, the traditions of training and professional development of professional soldiers in modern American society, and so on. Ch. Mills notes that the church and family have significantly reduced their influence on the consciousness of the citizens of the country both at the state and at the personal level, in connection with the emergence of new trends in the life of modern society, and focuses on the fact that mass media have become the leading means the formation of social thought and individual consciousness. The researcher concludes that the increase in the influence of the military department after the Second World War was not only in the fields of politics, economics, science and education, but also in the area of public opinion formation. That is, such social institutions as church, ...

Post-Revolutionary Fervor explores the intersection of class and gender politics in Iran over the last eighteen years, within the context of historical revolutionary Iranian consciousness broadly. I center a cohort of mostly women activists who are members of the generation born after the 1979 Revolution. Most of these individuals were among the younger key leaders of the most prominent grassroots campaign of the women's movement during the 2000s, known as the "One Million Signatures Campaign to Change Laws that Discriminate Against Women," which took place from 2006-2008. Many of these leaders had cut their teeth among the ranks of a growing left within the broader student movement in the 2000s. Their political consciousness was produced as a result of overlapping spaces and cross-fertilizing activist currents, including women's rights groups, left student organizations, and illegal workers' syndicates and labor unions. These activists were shaped both by Iranian intellectual history and transnational traditions of radical political thought. Analyzing a repertoire of oral history, poetry, public intellectual work, and film to explore activists' political consciousness, I argue that this cohort expanded debates within these organizing spaces beyond both Western liberal feminist and Islamic feminist frames. They are among a generation that came of age during a period which saw ongoing attempts at economic neoliberalization in their country. In this context, I argue that the intersection of Islamic governance, neoliberal ideologies, and U.S. imperialist sanctions have produced gender relations in Iran. Contrary to the Orientalist view that intensified after 9/11 that presented Islam as standing in the way of Western-led market liberalization and capitalist expansion, I argue that neoliberal ideologies hostile to working people and friendly to privatization have intersected often successfully with Islamic governance in Iran. Thus, I also center the stories of working-class and working-poor women who have experienced precarious jobs, the informal economy, and state repression. I ultimately show that Iranians have challenged these forces of interlocking class and gender inequity through persistent popular protest.

The history of experimental sound technologies in the early twentieth century has long been standardized into a well-trodden tour of the same familiar highlights: Thaddeus Cahill's Telharmonium, Russolo's Art of Noises, the prophetic visions of Busoni and Varèse, the novelties of Theremin. In both general histories and specialized accounts of "electronic music," these topics are generally treated as appetizers preceding the main course, which commences promptly after World War II with the emergence of the dueling schools of musique concrète and elektronische Musik. In recent years, this narrative has been questioned and extended in a number of important ways, and the previously unsuspected depths of early twentieth-century musical technoculture have begun to be sounded.This is not merely a matter of quibbling over whether electronic music began in the 1950s or the 1920s; broadening the historical scope to include earlier phenomena makes for a new image of electronic music, one that highlights the social and cultural contexts that are often written out of canonic histories. Adding to this effort is Andrey Smirnov's book Sound in Z, a thorough and thought-provoking study of sound technology and musical experimentation in Russia during the first decades of the twentieth century. Smirnov, Senior Lecturer and head of the Sector for Multimedia at the Center for Electroacoustic Music at Moscow State Conservatory, deftly combines lucid technical explanations of relevant artifacts with the broader cultural history of a uniquely turbulent milieu. His book illuminates how the technological experiments of Russian artists in the early twentieth century were integrally related to parallel developments in the arts and sciences, philosophy, and politics. Sound in Z traces a welter of activity that encompasses not only music in the conventional sense, but a seemingly centrifugal expansion of the art into fields both adjacent and far-flung. The book's eight chapters comprise a comprehensive survey of technology and experimental sound in the young Soviet Union. Given the ambitious nature of his project, Smirnov's book inevitably becomes something of an omnium-gatherum, but he succeeds in doing justice to the period's musical ferment, one which was previously all but unknown outside of Russia.