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Within the wider ongoing debate of Participatory Action Research, this paper interrogates the capacity of participatory mapping not just as a means to tap into plural knowledges over and emanating from specific geographies but rather to disrupt exclusionary constructions of space and place and the reproduction of the governing relationships that cause inequality. Focusing on a participatory mapping experience undertaken by the authors in collaboration with local residents in the steep slopes of Bogota's eastern hills – an area threatened by forced evictions in the name of ecological preservation and risk protection arguments - we explore why and under what conditions participatory mapping might have the potential to disrupt conflicting interpretations of place and space held both by local residents and state agencies, which in turn can open the room to rework what types of interventions are actually needed and why. We hypothesise that this depends on the extent to which mapping can abridge the different scales at which the state and marginalised communities make sense of a site historically underpinned by different forms of spatial myopia and territorial stigma. This is in our view not just a consequence of the application of participatory mapping techniques per se, but depends on the way in which mapping is used to expand the political space in which different conceptions of a territory can effectively talk to each other.

Jean-Paul Sartre is the writer who gave the most trenchant formulation of existentialism and tried to do the same for a version of Marxism, and as a philosopher of history who got it wrong about history and then, in his last "philosophical manifesto" - volume III of the Idiot (English version volume V) - got it brilliantly right. But Sartre did not write the second volume of the Critique. Or, more exactly, he wrote it but he did not publish it. The Critique, as Sartre himself admitted, grew like a hernia on the body of the book on Flaubert, so that it had to be surgically removed and given a life of its own; but a sort of symbiosis persisted, and when it came to the continuation of the argument, Sartre seems to have sensed that volume II was a dead end, and that the route to the alternative would prove to lie after all in the Flaubert project itself. In order to understand Sartre's position, the author analyzes his conception of history, especially of the intelligibility of history by mean of the dialectical reason as a movement of totalization of practical seriality, and shows its actuality.

The essay is dedicated to Max Weber's Zwischenbetrachtung (1915-16), a fundamental text for the comprehension of his whole sociology of religion. Marra focuses particularly on the theme, typical of Weber, of the tension between rationalization processes connected to the disenchantment (Entzauberung) and the original magical-religious foundation; he also discusses the relationships which the religions of redemption (Erlösungsreligionen), according to Weber, develop with economy and power. ; Este ensayo está dedicado a la Zwischenbetrachtung (1915-6) de Max Weber, obra fundamental para la comprensión de toda su sociología de la religión. En particular, Marra se ocupa del típico tema weberiano de la tensión entre los procesos de racionalización relacionados con la desilusión (Entzauberung) con las bases mágico-religiosas originarias; y de las relaciones que las religiones de redención (Erlösungsreligionen) desarrollan, para Weber, con la economía y el poder.

Analyzing everyday environmental imaginaries from contemporary Turkey through the lenses of postcolonial, emotional-affective, and nature-society geographies, this article offers insights into shifting nature-society relations and possibilities. Based on a series of interviews and focus groups conducted in four sites (Istanbul, Ankara, Diyarbakir, and Sanliurfa), the concept of imaginative geographies of green is offered to highlight social and spatial difference as central to the articulation of green visions and movements. The research foregrounds several social and spatial gradients specific to the Turkish context, including East-West divides both within and beyond Turkey (i.e., Kurdish- Turkish and Eastern-Western Turkey, as well as notions of Turkishness and Europeanness ). The work also suggests that environmental imaginaries have deeply emotional, ambivalent, and power-laden associations. Apart from the implications of the work for enriched understandings of emergent environmental possibilities in this context, the conclusion also touches on ramifications for EU accession debates as well as new directions for work on environmental citizenship and movements in the global South. ; Science, Faculty of ; Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for ; Reviewed ; Faculty

Eudora Welty firmly insists both in interviews and in her essay "Must the Novelist Crusade?" that her fiction is apolitical. As the writer states in One Writer's Beginnings, her stories are visions built not by particular political events or aims but, instead, by what she closely experienced and knew. With a thematic multiplicity concerning predominantly female characters and voices, and an undeniable complexity of meanings on the one hand, and a vision of the Southern difference on the other, what Welty really writes about is life, about human beings dominated by their emotions, their fantasies and their relationships. She writes about men and women (and above all women) as heirs of a Southern past or builders of a present that, in turn, conditions themselves and their history. And although the short story "Where is the Voice Coming From?", published in 1963, has been seen as the fictional text where Eudora Welty changed her attitude by breaking her silence on racial issues, it is important to understand that what she really did with it was to go deeper towards the human self and the human condition itself. ; Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia

In the era of after reformation, Indonesia has developed rapidly enough in political sector and mass media freedom. In the local level such as in Bangli Regency, Bali Province, the fight among political actors on the printed mass media took place when the general election to vote for the regent was held. The general election which was held to vote for the regent was full of dynamism in which the candidates fought against one another on the longer mass media. The problems of the present study are as follows: (1) what was the fight among political actors on the printed media when the general election was held to vote the regent of Bangli Regency in 2010 like?; (2) the factors leading to it?; and (3) what was the impact and meaning of the fight among the political actors on the printed media? The theories used in the present study were the theory of discourse of relation of knowledge and power, the theory of the impact of media such as the agenda setting, the theory of framing, the theory of media text analysis, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of capital. The research method used was the qualitative approach with critical paradigm. The forms of the fight among political actors took place in the arenas of news articles, advertorials, advertisements, and paid articles. The fight taking place in these arenas started from the fight for the self-image of the actors to the political issue. The factors leading to it was political factor, economic factor, and mass media. The fight among the political actors affected political sector, economic sector, and cultural sector. The fight among the political actors on the printed media contained pragmatic meaning of the media and political actors, the image, popular life style, and change of political culture in Bangli.

The political morality that Plato and Aristotle supported was governed by various anthropological and social determinants, which means that they focused on man understood as a citizen and interpreted through the dialectic as well as through the prospects of the city's happiness, since for both of them man was a social animal. The political ethics of Plato and Aristotle does not endanger the political community with political bankruptcy. This political morality does not start from intransigent principles to reach a compromise that has already been surpassed by the previous negative dynamics. The Byzantine political morality oscillates between the individual and the totality. It is not governed by individualism but rather by communitarianism, which entails that it confirms the dynamics of unity within the city. The Byzantine political morals is imbued with an anticipation of the political crisis, it seeks to identify any negative developments and strives to avoid the political marginalization of the citizens who are likely to rebel against any autocratic government. The Byzantine political morality is, thus, not an idle and selfish political introversion, concerned merely with political crises, conflict scenarios and conspiracy theories, as it strives to come up with various solutions that should guarantee political balance. ; The political morality that Plato and Aristotle supported was governed by various anthropological and social determinants, which means that they focused on man understood as a citizen and interpreted through the dialectic as well as through the prospects of the city's happiness, since for both of them man was a social animal. The political ethics of Plato and Aristotle does not endanger the political community with political bankruptcy. This political morality does not start from intransigent principles to reach a compromise that has already been surpassed by the previous negative dynamics. The Byzantine political morality oscillates between the individual and the totality. It is not governed by individualism but rather by communitarianism, which entails that it confirms the dynamics of unity within the city. The Byzantine political morals is imbued with an anticipation of the political crisis, it seeks to identify any negative developments and strives to avoid the political marginalization of the citizens who are likely to rebel against any autocratic government. The Byzantine political morality is, thus, not an idle and selfish political introversion, concerned merely with political crises, conflict scenarios and conspiracy theories, as it strives to come up with various solutions that should guarantee political balance.

This article tests the role of deliberation in potentially reducing the gender gap in knowledge. It compares gender differences in knowledge of both participants and non-participants before and after the Europolis deliberative event took place by making use of the difference in difference estimation method. Findings show that deliberation increases the political knowledge of participants (especially women) suggesting that it contributes to reducing the gender gap in knowledge by providing participants not only with information and awareness about the topics discussed but also with confidence when answering factual knowledge questions. These results suggest the need to conduct further research about the way in which information–rich contexts might reduce other potential inequalities in sources of knowledge. ; Peer Reviewed

For the past decade, citizens, governments, and scholars alike have expressed ongoing concerns about the increasing rates of violent crimes committed by drug traffickers, organized criminal groups, and gangs within the United States and Central America. The gang Mara Salvatrucha, familiarly known as MS-13, arguably presents the largest threat to national and regional security. The gang's relatively recent emergence, growth, and expansion has raised serious concern. The criminal group is responsible for a multitude of crimes that directly threaten the welfare of citizens and state security from the suburbs of Washington D.C. to slums in Central American. This gang's coast-to-coast presence plagues cities and communities across the United States, claiming territory in at least 42 states. MS-13 now claims 10,000 members in the U.S. and 70,000 Latin American members across the entire American continent (FBI 2008). The U.S. government's concerns about gangs have heightened with the increasing growth of MS-13, both in membership and sophistication. Congress maintains an interest in crime and gang violence in Central America, as well as the related activities of the U.S. branches of MS-13 within our borders. Central American governments, the media, and some scholars have attributed a significant proportion of violent crime plaguing the region to the recent globalization of U.S. gang culture. This thesis provides a current overview of the threat posed by MS-13, as well its historical origins and evolution as a criminal organization. The first half analyzes the birth of the gang in Los Angeles in the 1980s and the political factors contributing to MS-13's continental migration south over the past two decades. American criminal deportations play an important role in the transnational nature of MS-13 and will be analyzed. Many blame U.S. deportation policies for the globalization of the gang and fueling the current gang epidemic in Central America. Subsequently, the context in which the gang operates within Central America, specifically in El Salvador is examined. Many scholars and government officials agree that the suppressive policies enacted by Central American states, specifically the Mano Dura ("hard hand") laws have failed at countering both MS-13 membership and its associated crime and violence. The latter half of this thesis focuses on the evolution of U.S. policy responses, at the international level, enacted to address the security implications posed by MS-13. The concern of this thesis is not whether the U.S. government is responding but rather if its responses are designed and implemented thoughtfully so that the limited funding is allocated effectively. Policy-makers in the U.S. and Central American are struggling to find the right combination of suppressive and preventive policies to combat MS-13. Most analysts agree that a more comprehensive, regional approach to the sophisticated gang is necessary to prevent further escalation of the problems created by the gang's illicit activity.