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This is a conference paper. ; This report analyses the political challenge of improving access to sanitation in rapidly growing and developing secondary cities. We look at examples throughout history and across the world, and argue that while sanitation problems may appear to be technical in nature, without political incentives to solve them, progress cannot be made. Drawing on lessons from historical progress, we formulate a framework for understanding how improvements in urban sanitation take place. We then apply these principles to current sanitation challenges in two secondary Tanzanian cities, Mwanza and Arusha, to assess what could drive improvements there, and potentially elsewhere.

El propósito de este ensayo es analizar la relación entre odio y autonomía a partir de Cornelius Castoriadis. Partimos de la idea de que el odio es fundante de toda cultura en tanto es energía vital que potencia la institución de ";la otredad". El odio es fuente de todo vínculo con lo otro, ya sea como el sí mismo, como los otros individuos reales o como otras sociedades. El texto está dividido en dos apartados, en el primero se revisa la radicalidad del odio como fundamento para la institución del otro; se sostiene que el odio es radical porque de él emana toda creación de otredad y es constitutivo de todo proceso de socialización porque establece al otro como una institución imaginaria social. En un segundo momento se plantea la noción de autonomía como afirmación del odio radical; se identifican dos calidades de la autonomía, una que se refiere a la autolimitación o al darse a sí mismo la propia ley, y la otra que trata de la reflexión o la crítica sobre las propias significaciones.

EnglishEast India Company is not only having an authority in Java but also enjoying a long influence in Bengkulu. Thomas Stamford Raffles, an agent of EIC in Nusantara, experiences the above posts in these two strategic areas. Like in Java, Raffles has three policies in Bengkulu. Firstly, all former treaties are annulled. Secondly, authority is given to the company to administer the country according to equity, justice, and good policy. Thirdly, the cultivation of pepper is declared free, the people being at liberty to cultivate that article or not at pleasure. In addition, he finds the other strategic place to support the trade of EIC and private English in Southeast Asia. The place is called Tumasik and at present well-known as Singapore. He has also a concern on the world of flora and fauna. He works with Dr. Arnold to conduct a research on the gigantic flower of Rafflessia arnoldii and collaborates with Everard Home to study on the anatomy and biogeography of dugong. East India Company atau Kongsi Dagang Inggris ternyata bukan hanya berkuasa di Jawa tetapi juga cukup lama bercokol di Bengkulu. Thomas Stamford Raffles, salah satu agen EIC di Nusantara, merasakan kekuasaan di dua tempat strategis tersebut. Sama halnya seperti di Jawa, Raffles memiliki tiga kebijakan utama di Bengkulu. Pertama, merevisi segala perjanjian yang ada; kedua, dia mengangkat para pegawai dari rakyat pribumi dengan kesetaraan, keadilan, dan kebijakan yang tepat; dan ketiga, dia memberi kebebasan pada rakyat untuk menanam sesuatu. Selain itu, dia menemukan tempat yang sangat strategis dalam mendukung kepentingan perdagangan EIC beserta orang Inggris di Asia Tenggara. Tempat itu bernama Tumasik dan kita kenal kini sebagai Singapura. Selain itu, dia ternyata juga peduli pada tumbuhan dan hewan yang tidak pernah ditemui sebelumnya. Jika dia bekerjasama dengan Dr. Arnold ketika mengaji Rafflessia arnoldii maka bersama dengan Everard Home, dia mengaji anatomi dan bio-geografi dari dugong.

Finland is a bilingual country with 2 national languages, Finnish and Swedish. The Swedish-speaking school institution aims to protect the minority language by maintaining a monolingual school space. In this article, the construction of linguistic and ethnic difference in educational discourse and practice related to the national languages in Finland is analyzed by using discourse analysis, feminist and post-structural theories. By analyzing ethnographic data and public debate, we argue that discursive and material practices related to spatiality have a significant role in constructing difference and otherness in the Finnish school context. Essentialist categories are produced but also contested from the positions within the cultural spaces at school and in society at large. ; Peer reviewed

This article examines the ways in which the Argentine author Jorge Luis Borges can y and should be read not as a political writer but as a writer of the politic (just like sometimes a conceptual artist is not a political artist but an artist of the political) —that is, the article proposes reading Borges neither as a writer nor an artist who intervenes in the visible conflicts of his time (although Borges did at times intervene politically, mostly with uninteresting and even deeply unpleasant results) nor a writer or an artist that describes the political process of his time and other times (although Borges also did this, with suggestive and playful results), but as a writer or an artist who questions the enigma of the institution of society—an enigma that is central to political philosophy, as it deals with the invisible of the visible, with the meaning of that which appears, disappears or re-appears, and which is invisible or revealed as visible in collective life. This political analysis of Borges is made in a dialogue with theories around the concept of the politic developed by Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt and Claude Lefort. ; En este artículo, se interroga la manera en la que el autor argentino Jorge Luis Borges puede y debe ser leído no como un escritor político sino como un escritor de lo político (así como muchas veces un artista conceptual no es un artista político sino un artista de lo político)—esto es, no un escritor o un artista que interviene en los conflictos visibles de su tiempo (a pesar de que esto Borges también lo hizo, mayormente con resultados poco interesantes y hasta profundamente desagradables) o un escritor o un artista que describe procesos políticos visibles de su y de otros tiempos (aunque esto también Borges lo hizo, con resultados mucho más lúdicos y sugerentes), sino un escritor o un artista que interroga el enigma de la institución de la sociedad, el enigma que está en el centro de la preocupación del pensamiento y la filosofía política en su lidiar con lo invisible de lo visible, con el sentido de aquello que aparece, desaparece o reaparece, que es invisibilizado o revelado como visible, en la vida colectiva. Esta lectura política de Borges se hace en diálogo con la teorización que Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort hicieran del concepto de lo político.

On December 30, 2016, China once again blocked India'\s attempt to get the United Nations (UN) to list Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) chief Masood Azhar as a terrorist. The move took place despite clear indications that the Pakistan-based JeM under the leadership of Azhar is responsible for several attacks on Indian soil, like the Parliament terror attack (2001) or the Pathankot airbase attack. In this context, it is remarkable that JeM has already been blacklisted by the 15 members of the UN Security Council (UNSC), but not the terrorist leader himself. Due to the persistent 'technical holds' enforced by China, Azhar did not get listed as a designated terrorist under the 1267/1989/2253 ISIL (Da'esh, the militant Islamic State/IS group) and Al Qaida Sanctions Committee' of the UNSC. All individuals and entities listed by this UN Committee are subject to international sanctions.

More than 2,000 years of trade along the Silk Route through Central Asia have "proved that countries with differences in race, belief and cultural background can absolutely share peace and development as long as they persist in unity and mutual trust, equality and mutual benefit, mutual tolerance and learning from each other, as well as cooperation and win-win outcomes." So said Chinese President Xi Jinping in Kazakhstan in late 2013, when for the first time he promoted the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to open new land and maritime trade routes and infrastructure corridors across Central Asia, the Indian Ocean, and beyond. Like the Silk Road of old, the BRI is less a single corridor than a number of routes, including the China-Indian Ocean-Africa-Mediterranean Sea Blue Economic Passage, China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC).

This article aims to explore Italy´s 'Neo-Atlanticist' foreign policy (FP) strand in the mid-1950s to highlight the complex interplay of external and internal political dynamics. It corresponded to the third circle of Rome´s FP loadstars - the Mediterranean and Arab world – with Rome intending to conduct an autonomous policy that was often seen as clashing with its Atlanticist commitments. Italian foreign policy was tightly constrained by its integration in Euro-Atlantic alliances, but it was also able to cut for itself a margin of independent maneuver in pursuit of a more autonomous policy in the Mediterranean.

Abstract:The author approaches the topic denominated "Pinochet factor", beyond his direct physical presence in the spaces of power, but rather like a political inheritance of his dictatorial regime, in alliances with the political and economic elites of Chile. As it is shown, it seemed to be that we have inherited an authoritarian culture that transfers the temporary borders of the period of the military regime and it settles in a weakened present democracy. ; El autor aborda la temática denominada "el factor Pinochet", más allá de su presencia fí­sica directa en los espacios de poder, sino más bien como una herencia polí­tica de su régimen dictatorial, en alianzas con las élites polí­ticas y económicas de Chile. Como se señala, pareciera ser que hemos heredado una cultura autoritaria que traspasa las fronteras temporales del perí­odo del régimen militar y se instala en una debilitada democracia actual.

Podeu consultar dades primàries associades a l'article a: http://hdl.handle.net/2445/114909 ; Previous research has studied the relationship between political ideology and cognitive biases, such as the tendency of conservatives to form stronger illusory correlations between negative infrequent behaviors and minority groups. We further explored these findings by studying the relation between illusory correlation and moral values. According to the moral foundations theory, liberals and conservatives differ in the relevance they concede to different moral dimensions: Care, Fairness, Loyalty, Authority, and Purity. Whereas liberals consistently endorse the Care and Fairness foundations more than the Loyalty, Authority and Purity foundations, conservatives tend to adhere to the five foundations alike. In the present study, a group of participants took part in a standard illusory correlation task in which they were presented with randomly ordered descriptions of either desirable or undesirable behaviors attributed to individuals belonging to numerically different majority and minority groups. Although the proportion of desirable and undesirable behaviors was the same in the two groups, participants attributed a higher frequency of undesirable behaviors to the minority group, thus showing the expected illusory correlation effect. Moreover, this effect was specifically associated to our participants' scores in the Loyalty subscale of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire. These results emphasize the role of the Loyalty moral foundation in the formation of attitudes towards minorities among conservatives. Our study points out the moral system as a useful fine-grained framework to explore the complex interaction between basic cognitive processes and ideology.

Uno de los hallazgos centrales en la obra de Valenzuela (1977) sobre política chilena a nivel local, es que el cargo municipal a menudo constituía el primer escalón hacia la elección en uno de mayor prestigio a nivel nacional, como diputado o senador. Una mirada a la política chilena posterior a 1970 sugiere que esta tendencia es menos común en la actualidad. A pesar del poder relativo y la relevancia de los alcaldes, especialmente en municipalidades urbanas de bajos ingresos, solo un puñado de individuos ha seguido una carrera en la política a nivel nacional2. Aun así, muchos ediles de renombre, particularmente aquellos que pertenecieron a municipios de la Región Metropolitana (RM), han logrado construir una marca desde lo local. Estos han sostenido el poder durante varios períodos y a menudo son actores fundamentales en la estrategia electoral de los partidos políticos en las elecciones nacionales. De esta manera, han construido un grupo de seguidores y ostentan un respetable nivel de atención de los políticos nacionales, pese a que su cargo es local. Desde esta situación surge una interesante pregunta: ¿hasta qué punto las municipalidades dirigidas por alcaldes incumbentes exhiben una mejor capacidad institucional que aquellas caracterizadas por una rotación electoral regular? Puesto de forma distinta, ¿son mejores a la hora de entregar bienes y servicios públicos los alcaldes con aspiraciones a posiciones nacionales y varios períodos en el cargo? Este capítulo busca responder esta pregunta. En particular, investigo las determinantes de la efectividad de las Oficinas Municipales de Intermediación Laboral (OMIL), encontrando evidencia de que las municipalidades con alcaldes con largas carreras en el ámbito municipal, tienden a exhibir mayores tasas de asignación de puestos de trabajo que aquellas localidades donde la rotación electoral ha sido la normal. Los resultados sugieren que los alcaldes que han ocupado el sillón municipal por varios períodos y que buscan crear una carrera electoral, se involucran en un fortalecimiento institucional mucho más efectivo. Curiosamente, esta construcción institucional ocurre dentro de un marco de políticas altamente personalistas, sugiriendo que la capacidad administrativa a nivel local puede existir en ausencia de políticas programáticas, dado que instituciones efectivas proveen a los alcaldes con las herramientas necesarias para resolver los problemas de los votantes y así mejorar su propio atractivo electoral. Los resultados también revelan que construir una OMIL efectiva requiere de la asistencia del empresariado local. El capítulo, entonces, subraya tres importantes aspectos de la relación Estado-partido-sociedad en el Chile contemporáneo: el rol de la incumbencia y la reelección, el involucramiento de actores privados en la política local. Y la importancia de la incumbencia y el sector privado para promover la movilización electoral.