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"Addressing issues at the cutting edge of comparative politics and public policy, this book is based on extensive research and interviews with local decision makers in two pairs of cities in England and France. The book provides a rigorous checklist of institutional and policy reforms in the two countries since the early 1980s." http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0650/00068998-d.html

У біобібліографічному покажчику висвітлено життєвий і творчий шлях українського вченого, доктора політичних наук, професора кафедри політології та державного управління Східноєвропейського національного університету імені Лесі Українки – Валентина Ярославовича Малиновського. Уміщено бібліографію праць вченого, що охоплюють період від 1990 до 2018 рр. ; The bio-bibliographical index highlights the life and the career of the Ukrainian scientist, doctor of political sciences, professor of the department of political science and public administration at the Lesya Ukrainka Eastern European National University – Valentyn Yaroslavovych Malynovskyi. The papers of the scientist are presented in the bibliographic order, covering the period from 1990 tо 2018. The bibliographical description of the publications is compiled in accordance with the valid standards. The book is appointed to scholars, teachers, post-graduates, students.

UID/CPO/04627/2019 ; This paper provides a contextualization of the invention of International Relations (IR) in the Anglo-American world and Continental Europe. It presents a historiographic synthesis of the main institutional and scientific landmarks of the American, English, Nordic, French and German cases. It begins by presenting the main contexts and political-academic frameworks of the birth and formation of the discipline, with an emphasis on the USA. Secondly, it addresses the European developments of the IR discipline, highlighting the English and Nordic schools. Finally, it presents a brief contextualization of the rediscovery and affirmation of IR in Continental Europe, identifying the main institutional and scientific milestones of the French and German schools. ; publishersversion ; published

This article aims to analyze the media literacy skills at work in the content shared by fans on Twitter during the #FandomsPeloVoto (#Fandomsforthe- Vote) campaign. In a convergence culture environment, media literacy comprises five skills: curation, creation, critical understanding, participation, and collaboration. Launched in May 2022, the campaign—carried out in partnership with Mídia Ninja, the National Student Union (União Nacional dos Estudantes, UNE), and the Brazilian Union of Secondary School Students (União Brasileira dos Estudantes Secundaristas, UBES)—brought together more than 100 pop culture fandoms in Brazil to mobilize 16- to 18-year-olds to obtain a voter registration card and be eligible to vote in the 2022 elections. It can be concluded that the activism of fandoms goes beyond transposing fan culture practices into the realm of political participation, also encompassing the critical interpretation of the sociopolitical issues that were part of the action and the creative production of posts on Twitter. Accordingly, #FandomsPeloVoto has aspects of political resistance, as one of its primary objectives is the removal of President Jair Bolsonaro, leader of the far right in Brazil, from power.

Abstract
This article reflects on contestations that mark queer and trans community building in post- National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) and post-377 India. In the past decade, queer and trans communities in India have witnessed two landmark judgements: the NALSA v. Union of India judgement 2014 and the Navtej Singh Johar and Ors. v. Union of India judgement 2018. The former granted transgender persons legal recognition and a promise of civil and substantive rights. The latter read down the draconian Sec. 377 of the Indian Penal Code that criminalized consensual adult homosexual sex acts. In light of these two judgements, this article traces challenges faced by queer and trans communities and challenges to queer and trans community building in contemporary India by tracing recent developments in the contexts of health, public policy, jurisprudence, social institutions, education, popular culture, and the precarity of gender and sexually transgressive communities during the recent COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, the authors also trace narratives of hope that demonstrate how queer and trans people in post legal reform India continue to build enabling and affirmative communities in the face of an increasingly neoliberalizing country.

AbstractUnions play a crucial role in determining wages and employment outcomes. However, union bargaining power may also have important effects on non‐pecuniary working conditions. We study the effects of right‐to‐work laws, which removed agency shop protection and weakened union powers on long hours and non‐standard work schedules that may adversely affect workers' health and safety. We exploit variation in the timing of enactment across U.S. states and compare workers in bordering counties across adopting states and states that did not adopt the laws yet. Using the stacked approach to difference‐in‐differences estimates proposed by Cengiz et al. (2019), we find evidence that right‐to‐work laws increased the share of workers working long hours by 6%, while there is little evidence of an impact on hourly wages. The effects on long hours are larger in more unionized sectors (i.e., construction, manufacturing, and transportation). While the likelihood of working non‐standard hours increases for particular sectors (education and public administration), there is no evidence of a significant increase in the overall sample.

Abstract
This article considers how the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU)—the two main African nationalist groups in the rebel British colony of Rhodesia—sought to undermine the White minority government of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) era in Rhodesia by denouncing it in their propaganda as "Nazi," "fascist," and "genocidal." The author argues that ZANU and ZAPU built on ideas already put forth in the international arena. In doing so, they were able to develop the conception of colonialism as a fascist and genocidal system of government. Charges of fascism and genocide, as well as antiracism and anticolonialism, were central to ZANU's and ZAPU's political platform and their historical narrative of colonialism. The White population of Rhodesia, however, was proud of their record during the Second World War, and for African nationalists to equate them with the Nazis was to upend a major aspect of their identity. Through a discussion of these issues, this article studies the important role that these concepts played in one of the most significant anticolonial conflicts of the postwar period.

AbstractIn the early days of the founding of New China, there was an international situation with close political contact between China and the Soviet Union. I still remember the title of "Big Brother of the Soviet Union", which shows the political and cultural exchange and blending between these two countries. In the film industry culture, Soviet films and their unique musical melodies and content materials have inspired the development of Chinese films. The musical elements in the films can make the film works more valuable, and it is easier for them to have emotional impacts and fluctuations to invoke empathy and association. This article will analyze and discuss the films in the early days of the founding of New China through the development and influence of Soviet music in China at that time and through the detailed analysis of the specific work "Happy Life" by Ivan Pyryev to search for and summarize the clues of the rooted development of Soviet music in the Chinese film industry and its role and significance in future film and television development.

This scholarly discourse delves into the genesis of Ping-Pong Diplomacy between the United States and China and its consequential ramifications on China-Soviet Union relations. This diplomatic overture had a profound impact on the dynamics of the Cold War, with the Soviet Union witnessing the erosion of a key ally and perceiving China as a burgeoning threat. Concurrently, China reasserted its presence on the global stage, embarking on the transformative path of Reform and Opening Up. The U.S. benefited from turning an enemy into an ally in Asia and became the only superpower in the world. The paper introduced how a simple ping-pong friendly match contributed to the diplomacy between the Chinese and US governments, which eventually led to China's reselection of allies that contributed to the end of the Cold War.
"We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and those interests it is our duty to follow."
– Henry Temple (1784 – 1865), 3rd Viscount Palmerston, The Speech in the House of Commons

AbstractThis article examines the correlation between union activism, crime, and violence in the shipping industry in wartime China. Drawing on diplomatic and police records, shipping manifests, periodicals, and newspapers, the article deals with self-employed unskilled steamship attendants called "teaboys." With insight into Chinese civilians' underground struggle, the article contends that, steamship teaboys sustained their livelihoods during World War II by operating as everyday low-level spies for rival regimes. As workers, steamship teaboys pragmatically, without evidence of politico-ideological considerations, accommodated the needs of different belligerents in exchange for their own survival. Moreover, this article argues that the drastic socio-political upheaval in wartime China made these marginally employed shipboard attendants increasingly inclined towards a utilitarian patron-client relationship, originally forged in the mid-1920s when unionization began, and continued at the expense of their native-place ties and fictive family bonds. Impacted by the patron-client relationship in a climate where workers' interests were protected by the armed forces of various regimes, the teaboys viewed unions as competitive sellers of muscle power in a market for crime and violence in industrial unrest.

Abstract
In the years immediately following World War II, cities and townships across the United States implemented public safety programs to oversee road crossing for children outside schools. The crossing guards assigned to coordinate safe passage at busy intersections were primarily women and, as part-time workers, were a distinct sector of an expanding public sector workforce. This article highlights the origins of these public safety initiatives and how crossing guards formed associations in the 1950s and 1960s to secure economic improvements. These independent organizations articulated an important variant of labor feminism in the early postwar era, and attention to the agendas put forward by these women opens new insight into this aspect of working-class activism. Into the 1970s, many guard associations merged with AFL-CIO unions, especially the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), becoming a catalyst for a range of programs that prioritized the needs of working women in collective bargaining agreements. The article concludes with an overview of the issues crossing guards and their organizations face in an age of increasing austerity in the new century.

Based on archival materials, the author of the article analyzes the activities of the Union of Militant Atheists in the Saratov Volga region and the role of the leader of this organization in the 1930s. Examples of the activities of the organization are given, both within the framework of anti-religious agitation and propaganda of the communist ideology, and as an initiator of the closure of churches and prayer houses of all faiths. Emelyan Yaroslavsky is characterized as the main ideologist of state atheism. The practice of closing churches and prayer houses in violation of Soviet legislation, as well as the actions of party and Soviet structures that were contrary to the declared directives, are analyzed. Based on archival materials, the author of the article concludes that the authorities, having suspended the legal activities of all confessions in the Saratov Volga region by the beginning of the 1940s, could not suppress religious life, which took on new forms, and agitation and propaganda, including organizations of the Union of Militant Atheists, made a significant contribution to the formation of an atheistic worldview of the population.

This article explores the ways in which the two main African nationalist opposition groups in Rhodesia portrayed Britain in their media output. It uses a variety of sources, including newspapers, magazines, radio, and television programmes to recreate the key messages of the Zimbabwe African National Union and Zimbabwe African People's Union during the Unilateral Declaration of Independence period (1965–80). It argues that both groups recognised the importance of using propaganda for political purposes and developed an image of Britain as they believed it should be seen by the World. It further suggests, however, that this depiction of Britain was not always consistently applied, and that wider pressures can be seen at play. At times they claimed that the British were on the side of the rebellious settlers, and not to be trusted. Yet on other occasions they keenly asserted that, as the colonial power, the British Government had responsibility for Rhodesia and should be the focus of negotiations. In looking at these issues, this exploration of the propaganda war seeks to expand the historiography of Britain, Rhodesia, and the Zimbabwean nationalist movement.

Since 2014, two legislative actions, the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights)Act 2019, and the Draft Trafficking in Persons (Prevention, Care and Rehabilitation) Bill 2021, have been pivotal in re-inscribing the Indian state's colonial policing of queer kinship networks. By criminalising relationalities outside the heteropatriarchal conjugal home, the sexual subaltern is exposed to the state's mechanisms of rescue and rehabilitation. These developments have occurred alongside the constitutional recognition of privacy in K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017) 10 SCC 1 and the decriminalisation of the anti-sodomy law in Navtej Johar v. Union of India 2018 (10) SCALE 386 which have been celebrated as victories of self-determination and dignity for queer kinship. These judicial pronouncements, although symbolically pertinent, fail to materially protect queer kinship, and with the contemporary advocacy around queer marriage, the need for legal and cultural recognition has obfuscated the substantive needs of pre-existing queer alliances. Queer communities continue to organise for their own emancipation and despite their vulnerability, queer visibility offers a public counter-narrative of resistance and survival against the brutalities of society and the state.

This article explores the role of reserved-seat women members of the Union Parishad, the lowest unit of local government in Bangladesh. The number of women representatives has increased manifold over the years, most of whom are elected from reserved seats. Formally, a reserved-seat member has a larger constituency than a general seat member; and enjoys almost similar powers and responsibilities. In practice, there remains a major gap between what the rules say and what transpires on the ground. Notwithstanding their increased presence, women elected from reserved seats to the Union Parishad, often find it difficult to make their presence felt and are ignored, especially by their male colleagues, for several reasons. This article identifies those reasons and argues that women's increased presence is a necessary but not a sufficient condition of empowerment. Legitimacy gained through winning elections in a competitive process and the willingness of the elected women to get things done in an adversarial situation can be considered important steps towards empowerment. Nonetheless, more is needed, especially organised support from outside, to enhance empowerment and make it sustainable.