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Since Zimbabwe's transition to black-majority rule in 1980, the political changes in that country have been the subject of much study and debate. In this cogent analysis, Hevina Dashwood traces the evolution of Zimbabwe's development strategy from independence to 1997. During this period, there was a fundamental shift away from the social-welfarist orientation of the original development strategy, a change that coincided with the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programme in 1991. Dashwood traces the reconfiguration of the class structure in Zimbabwe, which led to the formation of a state-based bourgeoisie, whose interests are more closely aligned with those of the agrarian and entrepreneurial elites, rather than with the poor. Greater reliance was placed on market considerations and it became clear that the government was moving away from its earlier strong commitment to meeting the welfare needs of the poor. Dashwood argues that it was the class interests of the ruling elite, rather than pressure from the international financial institutions, that explains the failure of the government to devise a coherent, socially sensitive development strategy in conjunction with market-based reforms. This account of Zimbabwe's transformation sheds light on recent events in Zimbabwe as well as current debates on economic development throughout Africa.

Interviews were conducted among a random stratified sample of executive committeemen of the Republican & Democratic county party org's in Nassau County, New York, from Sep through Oct 1966, in order to determine local party activism (N=46 Democrats, 39 Republicans). 5 hyp's were drawn from previous relevant studies & their applicability or non-applicability to subUr party activism was tested. The following findings are reported: The SE character of Nassau County & its degree of inter-party competition are complemented by Hs levels in the party leadership. There are a number of marked similarities in the status attributes of the 2 leaderships. The parties draw their members from diff groups within certain econ strata, however, & representation of these groups in the leadership appears to be associated with electoral support & leadership ideology. This reinforces the existing body of data relating to the ideological distinctiveness of party leaderships at the local level. The subUr pol'al activist shares certain policy att's with other members of his party, perceives important diff's between the parties, & is to some extent reinforced by his policy & issue concerns to enter & to continue party work. The perceived motivations or incentives for the subUr pol'al activist tend to deal, in the main, with the substance of pol rather than with pol as a mere channel for personal gain. The subUr pol'al leaders also define their roles in a manner which does relate to the electoral success of the party. But substantial numbers of leaders, particularly within the Democratic party, view party goals as somewhat more complex than the single electoral imperative. Data suggest that pol'al activism at the local level may now involve greater citizen participation, greater policy orientation, & in general a more functionally complete type of pol that it has reflected in the past. 9 Tables. M. Maxfield.

This article focuses on the role of the Société ethnologique de Paris, founded in 1839, in the process of institutionalising the race. It clarifies the influence of colonial political and economic circles and of a network of St simonians in the construction of the race as a scientific category which, on the one hand, plays an important role in the parliamentary discussion on the abolition of slavery and, on the other hand, feeds into new settlement plans. Racial thinking and its role in European modernity are analysed through discussions in the Society's sessions, but also in the Chamber of Deputies. These discussions articulate first-generation colonial project, based on trafficking and slavery plantation, and second-generation colonisation, based on the territorial annexation of Africa and Asia combined with new forms of forced labour. The so-called scientific race, from its inception, is a uniquely political concept. ; International audience This article focuses on the role of the Ethnological Society of Paris, founded in 1839, in the process of institutionalisation of race. It elucidates the influence of the colonial political and economic circles, as well as that of a network of Saint-Simonians in the construction of race as a scientific category, which, on the one hand, takes an important place in the parliamentary debate on the abolition of Slavery and, on the other hand, fuels apologetics of new colonization projects. Racial thinking and its role in European modernity are analysed through the discussions held at the meetings of the Society, but also at the Chamber of Deputies. These discussions articulate first-generation colonial projects, based on slave trade and plantations, and second-generation colonisation, based on the territorial annexation of Africa and Asia linked with new forms of forced labour. The so-called scientific race, from its very beginnings, is a singularly political notion. ; This article focuses on the role of the Société ethnologique de Paris, founded in 1839, in the process of ...

Economic transitions in countries that move from state planning and redistribution to market exchange create business opportunities but also uncertainty, because many interdependent factors—modes of exchange, types of products, and forms of organizations—are in flux. Uncertainty is even greater when the country's political institutions remain authoritarian because the rule of law is weak and state bureaucrats retain power over the economy. This study of listed firms in China, which has recently seen economic transition but persistent authoritarianism, shows that in such contexts, firms can reduce uncertainty by developing relationships with state bureaucrats, which help firms learn how state bureaucracies operate and engender trust between firms and bureaucrats. Together, knowledge and trust stabilize operations and help persuade bureaucrats to lighten regulatory burdens, grant firms access to state-controlled resources, and improve government oversight. Our results show that as economic transitions proceed and uncertainty increases, business–state ties increasingly improve firm performance. We also investigate two likely contingencies, industry and firm size, and two important causal mechanisms, access to bank loans and protection from related-party loans, and show that the value of business–state relations varies over time, depending on the trajectory of both economic and political institutions.

President Barack Obama pledged in his first TV interview—with the Arab satellite channel Al Arabiya—that America under his watch would "listen with respect and not dictate" to the world. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has further announced that this country will no longer just throw around its military might but will pursue a "smart power" approach by tempering the use of hard weaponry with the "soft power" of persuasion and cultural attraction. Or, as Madame Secretary's husband Bill has put it, America will now lead through the power of example instead of the example of power.The first exceedingly complex test of Obama's smart power strategy will be how to end George W. Bush's misguided "war on terror" in Afghanistan and Pakistan, keeping al‐Qaida at bay without being swallowed by the quagmire of tribal politics. An array of experts from New Delhi to Paris offers their views in this section.