Suchergebnisse

В статье автор на основе новых архивных данных о председателе Городецкого волостного совета Алексее Мореве пытается проследить процесс сотрудничества наиболее радикальных революционных организаций анархистов, левых эсеров и большевиков в борьбе за политическое влияние на «социальные низы» России в начале 1918 г. Не соглашаясь с устоявшейся в историографии характеристикой анархистов как «авантюристов» и «экстремистов», автор наглядно показывает, что практика некоторых сторонников безвластия могла послужить конструктивной основой социальных преобразований. ; In the article the author basing on a fresh contemporary records about Alexej Morev, the Chairman of the Volost Soviet in Gorodets, attempts to observe the process of cooperation between the most radical revolutionary organizations Anarchists, Left SRs and Bolsheviks in the struggle for the political influence over the social «rank-and-files» in Russia at the beginning of 1918. Contrary to the description of Anarchists as «adventurers» and «extremists» generally accepted in historiography, the author demonstrates that praxis of some anti-Statists could serve as constructive basement for a social transformation.

• Summary: This article is a discussion piece on the idea of `sexuality' within social work. The author discusses dominant models of sexuality — including those within anti-discriminatory practice theory — before going on to raise a number of problems with this perspective. The article draws upon queer, feminist and Foucaultian theories to suggest less restrictive ways of thinking through sexuality and social work.• Findings: Social work has a tendency to define `sexuality' as an essential identity with a fixed set of characteristics and social welfare `needs'. This article argues for a reflexive account of sexuality within social work, and for the investigation of the production and use of sexuality categories within everyday professional settings.• Applications : The author discusses the assessment of sexuality in cases of foster care or adoption applications by lesbians or gay men in order to highlight the practical application of these ideas. The article discusses why new ways of thinking through sexuality may be productive for social work.

The Cosmopolitan idea of the World Government is quite rarely proposed in theory of international relations. Kant already claimed that this idea oscillates between anarchy and brute despotism. This is the reason why he described this standpoint as naive. The author tries to show that alternative theories, such as realism, Kantian and Rawlsian versions of statism and the conception of multilayered scheme of sovereignty, lead to more serious problems. The first one is rejected for the reason of the 'prisoner's dilemma' it implies. It is also argued that the Kantian version of statism is either inconsistent, or allows for totalitarian states if they have peaceful international politics. Many liberals reject Rawls's position because of his tolerant attitude towards 'decent peoples'. On the other hand, the conception of multilayered scheme of sovereignty is dismissed because of the non-existence of a unified decision-making procedure in global politics. At the end of the paper, the author defends Classical Cosmopolitanism theory from Kant's objections and indicates the main obstacles to its realization.

"The author seeks to answer the question 'How secularized is Germany?' on the basis of different perspectives and databases. The meaning of the term secularization is limited for this study to the decline of religiosity and its consequences, and a distinction is made between church-related and individual religiosity. First, evidence for the decline of church-related religiosity in Germany is presented. Next, it is shown that individual religiosity, i.e. religiosity not necessarily related to organized religion, is also declining. Then the analysis is extended to investigate the relationship between religiosity and non-religious attitudes. Taking two illustrative examples, it is claimed that religion today is far less salient for the way we live and see the world than it has been in the past. Finally, the focus of the analysis is broadened to an international perspective in which Germany is compared with other countries. The author ends with some thoughts on the future of secularization in Germany." (author's abstract)

Analyses the novel 'Brown girl, brownstones' (1959) by Paule Marshall. Author argues that this novel offers a complex and nuanced understanding of how Caribbean migration impacts upon cultural identity, and how this cultural identity is dynamically produced, rather than static. He describes how the novel deals with Barbadian migrants to the US in the 1930s and 1940s, and further elaborates on how through this novel Marshall problematizes common dichotomies, such as between the public and the private, and between racial (black) and ethnic (Caribbean) identity. Furthermore, he indicates that Marshall through her representation of the Barbadian community, foregrounds the central role of women in the production of Caribbean identity in the US. In this, he shows, Bajan women's talk from the private sphere is very important. Further, the author discusses how the Barbadian identity is broadened to encompass Caribbean and African Americans in the novel, thus creating transnational black diaspora connections, such as by invoking James Baldwin and Marcus Garvey.

Analyses how the traveling to and residence in the US of Arthur Ramos from Brazil and Rómulo Lachtañéré from Cuba, between 1939 and 1952, influenced their (anthropological) writings on Afro-American cultures and religions, specifically with regard to the relation between nation and race. Author describes that while Ramos and Lachatañéré went to the US under differing conditions, in the case of Lachatañéré in exile, and had dissimilar intellectual and political perspectives, their writings during and after their stay revealed identical approaches to interpreting the relation between nation and race in respectively Brazil and Cuba. She describes how Ramos and Lachatañéré developed a broader perspective on Afro-American culture, whilst moving in the same intellectual, anthropological circles, including contacts with Melville Herskovits and Fernando Ortiz, in the US. Author relates how both compared between African-Americans, in Louisiana in the case of Ramos and in New York in the case of Lachatañéré, and Afro-Brazilians and Afro-Cubans (including Caribbean migrants in the US), and thus between different race relations in the US, Brazilian, and Cuban contexts.

In "Confronting the Frugal Editors," I argue that the Revue de Paris ' 1856 editorial censorship of Madame Bovary complicates understandings of the identities and boundaries of author and editor; writing, editing and censorship; and, finally, of repressive and productive censorship in nineteenth-century France. Drawing on legal and literary history, on the history of the book, as well as on archival research of Flaubert's original handwritten manuscripts, I examine how Flaubert's editors were not "censors" in a strict and limiting sense. As "editorial censors," they unwittingly enabled Flaubert — who engaged in the specific practice of writing by suppression — to refine and rewrite crucial passages in the novel. As such, the editorial censorship of Madame Bovary neither silenced nor censored the author. It opened up a space for Flaubert to (re)view and (re)write his manuscript from the otherwise alienating demands of professional editors and of literary censorship laws of the time. Law, Culture and the Humanities 2007; 3: 266—292

Globalization and a Normative Framework of Freedom
The author considers the question of whether or even what normative structure of social order is able to encourage the advancement of the measure of positive liberty in the process of globalization. Related to this is the issue of the insufficiency of guarantees provided by orthodox liberalism for human self-determination. The author considers possible scenarios as to the way in which an elite cosmopolitan minority, profiting from globalization and feeling no responsibility for the majority left to its own fate, would pursue its own interests. The ideas of Ralf Dahrendorf concerning the global rule of law in the name of freedom and the need for international law are referred to. Globalization is occurring just as Marx intuitively predicted: capitalism becomes the bearer of hidden immanent self-destructive mechanisms. In conclusion, the author's hypothesis is that the new era of law in the 21st century will ensure that certain civilization legal norms become natural or customary.

The article examines the so-called Eastern enlargement of the European Union from the point of view of the Czech and Slovak Republics. Although they joined the EU at the same time, the experience of both states is diverse. The author argues that the chief obstacles on the "way back to Europe" were not so much the implementation of the acquis, but internal political weakness and unsatisfactory public discourse on the merits of joining the the EU. Slovakia, with its incorporation into the second wave of candidate countries due to its unacceptable political situation during Meciar's government, is used as the best exemplar of the political weakness. The Czech Republic illustrates, with its initial sense of exceptionalism that turned into nationalistic-populist rhetoric of political parties' leaders and eventually mounted into relatively low level of "yes-votes" in the closing referendum, represents the poor public discourse. Methodologically, the author analyses discursive interactions and institutional capacity using an actor-centered approach.

The author draws from a qualitative study of 30 Black, gay-identified, urban men to capture the intersection of race and sexuality in their life histories. He finds that Black gay men encounter a disruptive, deep-cutting "push" out of local community institutions—including the family and church—but a highly conflicted and ambiguous "pull" into urban gay communities—including the predominantly White, urban, gay institutions of downtown Manhattan. These conditions situate Black gay men on the horns of a dilemma, alienated from Black communities because of their homosexual desires and unevenly integrated into urban gay communities because of their race. Consequently, these men experience protracted struggles over their sexual identities, found it difficult to develop socially supportive gay networks, and experienced problems with psychological adjustment and repair in urban gay communities. The author underscores the importance of capturing the nexus of race and homosexuality through analysis of changing institutional dimensions over the life history.

In this article author analyzed, on one side, important theoretical determinants of basic categories by which ontological integrity of the Orthodox religion has been based and contained of, in comparison with other religions. On the other side, the author analyzed important theoretical determinants of the basic categories of ontological integrity of the Orthodox religion with basic principles and contents of neo-liberal economic politics. In the context, the Orthodox religion, not even by its one single value or principle, is not signifi cantly contrastive to authentic values of liberalism, universal humanism, development, active attitude and love toward life, and to overall progress, in material and economic sense. Thereby, it is possible to consider that individualism within the Orthodoxy is not in contrast with democratic principles of neo-liberalism (accumulation of the wealth of nations, emancipation of poverty, etc.) The Orthodox individualism is against global political power, which has been imposed by economic centers of the world power in the name of neo-liberalism.

Against the background of the current endeavours to relax dismissal protection legislation while simultaneously eliminating the possibility of using fixed-term employment contracts without justifiable reason, this paper outlines the distinctive features of these two areas of individual labour law and also shows where they overlap. Reform proposals and possible limits resulting from German constitutional law and European Union law are described, including insights from comparative law. Above all the author goes into the question of which area the legislator should pay most attention to in order to achieve more flexibility on the labour market. Against the background of the relatively weak legitimation for the use of fixed-term contracts without justifiable reason, the author reaches the conclusion that in fact a reduction of dismissal protection would be preferable to relaxing the legislation regarding fixed-term contracts. Accordingly he recommends relaxing statutory dismissal protection and possibly at the same time extending the area of application of the corresponding regulations.

The author introduces the current extension of company pension schemes in Germany and explains the legal necessity for covering non-lapsable future pensions und payable pensions against insolvency of the employer, who is overriding bound to pay the pensions. Succeeding the author illuminates the institution of the German insolvency insurance, the "Pensions-Sicherungs-Verein auf Gegenseitig­keit" (PSV) in Cologne. In 2005 the PSV assumed pensions for around 440.000 retired persons. Updated there are above 60.000 companies, members of the PSV. The PSV possesses a cover volume of above 2.500.000.000 Euros and provides security for pensions and non-lapsable future pensions of around 3.800.000 pensioners and 4.900.000 employees. Closing current plans of changing the funding system of the PSV are explained. Until now, the PSV is financed by an allocation of the annual expenses. However a current draft law plans a capital-covered funding to avoid the current disadvanta­ges of the allocation system (especially unsteady contributions for the employers).

В статье автор рассматривает технологии, которые применяются политтехнологами для создания имиджей политическим лидерам. Анализ этих технологий выявляет наличие в них манипулятивных конструкций. Автором приводятся примеры широкого применения манипуляций при конструировании имиджей современным политическим лидерам России и США Б.Ельцину, В.Путину, Б.Клинтону и Дж.У.Бушу. Вместе с тем исследование показывает, что при конструировании имиджей американским лидерам, в отличие от лидеров России, широко использовались также технологии, апеллирующие к разуму избирателей. ; In the article the author examines technologies, which are used by the political technologists to create images to the political leaders. The analysis of these technologies reveals the presence manipulative structures. The author results examples of wide application of manipulations in the modern political leaders' mindset of Russia and the USA to Boris Yeltsin, Vladimir Putin, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. At the same time, the research shows, that designing images of American leaders, as against the leaders of Russia, the technologies appealing to the reason of the voters are widely used also.

Опираясь на многочисленные источники, автор статьи рассматривает вопрос об отноше­нии населения Российской империи к российским немцам во время первой мировой войны. Осо­бое внимание уделяется антинемецким погромам и выявлению причин, их вызывающих. В ста­тье показано влияние возникшего во время войны восприятия российских немцев как внутренних врагов-изменников на отношение российского населения к царскому правительству. Автор при­ходит к выводу, что возникшие с началом военных действий антинемецкие настроения сыграли определенную роль в Февральской революции 1917 г. ; Drawing on a range of sources the article offers the description of the feeling of Russian population towards the Russian Germans during the First World War. The author dedicates special attention to the anti-german riots and explores the factors that caused it. The effect of the new Russian perception oi the Germans as "the traitors in the rear", influencing on the attitude towards the Russian government, is presented. As a result, the author states that partly the anti-german mood played its role in the February revolution of 1917.