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Since Zimbabwe's transition to black-majority rule in 1980, the political changes in that country have been the subject of much study and debate. In this cogent analysis, Hevina Dashwood traces the evolution of Zimbabwe's development strategy from independence to 1997. During this period, there was a fundamental shift away from the social-welfarist orientation of the original development strategy, a change that coincided with the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Programme in 1991. Dashwood traces the reconfiguration of the class structure in Zimbabwe, which led to the formation of a state-based bourgeoisie, whose interests are more closely aligned with those of the agrarian and entrepreneurial elites, rather than with the poor. Greater reliance was placed on market considerations and it became clear that the government was moving away from its earlier strong commitment to meeting the welfare needs of the poor. Dashwood argues that it was the class interests of the ruling elite, rather than pressure from the international financial institutions, that explains the failure of the government to devise a coherent, socially sensitive development strategy in conjunction with market-based reforms. This account of Zimbabwe's transformation sheds light on recent events in Zimbabwe as well as current debates on economic development throughout Africa.

Abstract
The essay explores an oblique perspective on language via the field of comparative political theory* (*hereafter CPT). The essay sketches briefly some of the conceptual architecture and genealogy of the comparative political theory enterprise and investigates more specifically the uses of the concepts of culture and language within the core arguments. The discussion distinguishes three rough categories of CPT and correlates these with understandings of language. The discussion then turns to certain problematic aspects of CPT concerned with the concepts of political theory, comparison within political studies and the concept of culture itself. The essay concludes on a critical and circumspect note on the status of CPT within contemporary understandings of political theory.

The primacy principle of political socialization claims that those political orientations that are learned early persist and shape later political learning. A survey of literature produces little empirical support for the principle. Furthermore, both the Piagetian cognitive development framework and Kagan's developmental perspective raise questions about the theoretical underpinnings of the primacy principle.

Tr. of: Traite d'economie politique ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 14

Economic transitions in countries that move from state planning and redistribution to market exchange create business opportunities but also uncertainty, because many interdependent factors—modes of exchange, types of products, and forms of organizations—are in flux. Uncertainty is even greater when the country's political institutions remain authoritarian because the rule of law is weak and state bureaucrats retain power over the economy. This study of listed firms in China, which has recently seen economic transition but persistent authoritarianism, shows that in such contexts, firms can reduce uncertainty by developing relationships with state bureaucrats, which help firms learn how state bureaucracies operate and engender trust between firms and bureaucrats. Together, knowledge and trust stabilize operations and help persuade bureaucrats to lighten regulatory burdens, grant firms access to state-controlled resources, and improve government oversight. Our results show that as economic transitions proceed and uncertainty increases, business–state ties increasingly improve firm performance. We also investigate two likely contingencies, industry and firm size, and two important causal mechanisms, access to bank loans and protection from related-party loans, and show that the value of business–state relations varies over time, depending on the trajectory of both economic and political institutions.

Abstract This article carries out a "state of the art" review of the scientific production in the ambit of social sciences, by focusing on works where the subject of biodiversity conservation takes centre stage. Having as a starting point a detailed literature review, we have identified some key concerns raised by authors in Brazilian journals in the areas of sociology, anthropology and political sciences, whilst acknowledging particularities of this discursive unit in the broader debate of environmental conservation. Against this backdrop, we have identified some trends in the bibliography, as well as gaps that deserve a more in-depth analysis.

The excellent study by Mr Frans Ciappara on Mikiel Anton Vassalli's early years and his expressed desire to join the priesthood have thrown new strong light on Vassalli's formative years. It so happens that several years back I had come across the same collection of correspondence which I did not expand upon due to a number of reasons. I am though mainly drawn to Vassalli's political ideas which I have a strong feeling we have been consistently misconstruing. It seems to the present writer that Mr Ciappara has not fully exhausted the material he has come across. The text of Vassalli's letter to Bishop Labini dated April 30, 1788 makes a strong and special impact; for through it transpires the geniune impellent reason behind Vassalli's call to the ecclesiastical state, primarily motivated by an overwhelming desire to expand and specialise his potential in oriental languages. Attached to that letter, there is also a breve or attestation signed by the CardinalBishop of Palestrinlt Marc' Antonio Colonna, issued on February 28, 1788 in which it is stated clearly that Vassalli "a mense Julii Anni 1785 ad presentim usque infrascriptam die in hac alma urbe commemorantem". This ties up neatly with known facts, namely that in 1785 he had won a prize for Arabic at a local school 4 , after which he must have proceeded directly to Rome. ; N/A

What is global studies? : a political and economic perspective / Michael R. Anderson and Stephanie S. Holmsten -- Historical foundations / Michael R. Anderson -- U.S. globalism and the present World order / Michael R. Anderson -- Key concepts and processes : empire and imperialism / Michael R. Anderson -- Key concepts and processes : development / Stephanie S. Holmsten -- Key concepts and processes : security / Michael R. Anderson and Stephanie S. Holmsten -- Key concepts and processes : sustainability / Stephanie S. Holmsten -- Key concepts and processes : governance / Stephanie S. Holmsten -- Case studies -- Introduction to the case studies -- Regional and global impacts of post-Gaddafi Libya / Brandon Gentry -- The anti-apartheid movement in the Western world : segregation, revolution, and the creation of a global civil society / R. Joseph Parrott -- The Treaty of Waitangi and the Waitangi Tribunal : globalization and decolonization in New Zealand / Sean Killen -- The causes and consequences of international migration : the view from Europe / John D. Graeber -- Patterns of fear : hegemony, globalization, and the U.S.-Japan trade conflict, 1971-1996 / John Taylor Vurpillat -- Globalization and transnational capitalism / Jerry Harris -- When weak states win : providing opportunities at the WTO / Stephanie S. Holmsten.

The discourse of American politicians like any other political figures prominently features a narrative - a system of interconnected stories that transition from one into another from speech to speech. The ideological narrative in political discourse plays an important part in myth creation in supporting the concept of Exceptional America

This book evaluates the promise of human progress and secularism in grand political narratives of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, comparing counter-narratives of South Asia within the context of a fast-changing twenty-first century. The book embraces a broad range of sources and theoretical approaches that include political philosophy, film, and ideological discourse analysis. In the twenty-first century, global inequality and significant growth of religious and majoritarian nationalisms have been appended with a protracted economic slowdown and recession in many countries. Examining what went wrong in terms of secularism and distributive justice in India, this book critiques the Euro-American visions of democracy, global capitalism, and their so-called universality. As an alternative, it proposes a progressive politics of radical democracy for the Indian people. Reconsidering alternatives to capitalism, western secularism and the radical possibilities of Islamism, Political Theory and South Asian Counter-Narratives will appeal to students and scholars of political theory, international relations, global history, and South Asian politics.

This paper investigates the political conditions which have enabled the development of restorative justice, in England and Wales, over the last 30 years. The rise of restorative justice is considered integral to the emergence of a (rather incoherent) range of political problematics, addressed by a panoply of governmental technologies, and informed by competing political rationalities. By applying a governmentality approach, the work aims to shed light on the assemblage of ambivalent principles and values which constitute restorative justice by linking them to context-specific political contingencies. This could have implications in understanding both the fragmentary growth of restorative justice in England and Wales, and, more generally, the political dimension of restorative practices, beyond the British borders. Introduction The political context of RJ has been extensively explored by both RJ advocates (Braithwaite). The present work can be located within the limited province of the literature on the political background of RJ applying a governmentality mode of analysis (Lippens, 2014; O'Malley, 2009; Pavlich, 2005; Richards, 2011). The paper revolves around the idea that the spreading of legal/policy measures, as well as practical and theoretical interest around RJ, in England and Wales, over the last 30 years, has been possible due to the parallel rise of a combination of political rationalities – that is, ethopolitics (Rose 1996b, 1999a) – informing the governmental practice in the relevant geo-historical setting. To think in terms of 'political rationalities' (Foucault, 1982, 1991, 2008) helps to offer an inclusive, productive and politically engaged approach which connects social, cultural and ethical dimensions of the practice of government with penal discourses, institutions and practices. The paper starts by describing the methodological and theoretical orientations which drive this work. After drawing a working definition of RJ, the research maps out a number of context-specific political problematics ...

Uses 20th century existentialism to confront the challenge of political judgement after moral absolutismHow can we reinvigorate the human capacity for political judgement as a practical activity capable of addressing the uncertainties of our postfoundational world? The book takes up this challenge by drawing on the historically attuned perspective of 20th-century philosophies of existence – in particular the work of Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Albert Camus and Hannah Arendt. Displacing the lingering rationalist temptations, Maša Mrovlje engages these thinkers' aesthetic sensibility to delve into the experiential reality of political judgement and revivify it as a worldly, ambiguous practice. The purpose is to illustrate the prescient political significance of existentialists' narrative imagination on two contemporary perplexities of political judgement: the problem of dirty hands and the challenge of transitional justice. This engagement reveals the distinctly resistant potential of worldly judgement in its ability to stimulate our capacities of coming to terms with and creatively confronting the tragedies of political action, rather than simply yielding to them as a necessary course of political life.Key FeaturesFocuses on the activity of judging as a paramount political abilityQuestions the traditional understanding of the relationship between thought and action Unearths the distinct critical, resistant potential contained in worldly judgementMethodologically distinctive: combines textual and conceptual analysis with a narrative approach, drawing on literary sensibility to enrich the flow of theoretical argumentationIllustrates the political significance of the existential narrative imagination on concrete examples that challenge and perplex our capacity to judge politicallyOpens new vistas of inquiry in the fields of ethics of narrative and politics of recognition

Media pressure on government and public administration has intensified radically in recent years. This article analyzes the behind-the-scenes processes of a strategic government pitch that aims to push the success and core values of Norwegian immigration policies in the media. The study brings attention to the complex and often conflicting demands on government officials engaged in proactive media strategies. It examines how the officials adapt to the news media logic, perceive the competition with other strategic actors, and simultaneously pay regard to the constraints inherent in a bureaucratic ethos. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, the article illuminates how bureaucrats legitimize proactive strategies; the risks involved; and how these strategies modify the distinctive roles of political leaders and civil servants, challenging traditional bureaucratic values such as impartiality, neutrality, and loyalty.