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The dominant view of good governance as a pre-condition for economic success is theoretically compelling but empirically difficult to establish. Historical analyses tend to indicate a very strong correlation between institutional development and economic growth. Today's high-income and good-governance countries generally had bad-governance environments at low levels of income. Moreover, some of today's most successful economies still exhibit sub-optimal governance indicators. By focusing on the search for the determinants of some global governance standards that often reflect particular political, ideological and philosophical conceptions of power, the traditional literature on governance has so far failed to offer a set of actionable policies that poor countries could implement to foster inclusive growth in a pragmatic and incentives-compatible way. This article acknowledges that governance problems are indeed major impediments to economic growth. But contrary to conventional wisdom, it argues that the well-known governance problems in African countries are mainly the reflection of their low level of development, and the results of failed state interventions and distortions originating from erroneous economic development strategies. Instead of posing 'good' governance as the main prescription and a prerequisite for sustained growth, development economists should design policy frameworks that offer the maximum likelihood of success because they are consistent with comparative advantage while providing minimum opportunities for rent-seeking and state capture.

In this research note, we examine the nature of, and influences on, parliamentary oversight in Ghana. We find that while macro‐institutions are important when examining good governance and legislative effectiveness, meso‐level institutions (such as oversight tools) are more important than previously acknowledged. We also detect a positive relationship between an increase in legislative oversight facilities and the reputation of parliament and its members, the legitimacy of democracy and political institutions, and the success in curbing corruption. And finally, we confirm that the successful functioning of institutions depends on the presence or absence of specific contextual factors. In the case of Ghana, these factors are a relatively low level of partisanship at the committee level, parliament's ability to find alternative sources of information, and the demand for good governance.

This article examines the impact of the proliferation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) on governance in Kenya. Looking specifically at service provision, it analyzes how the growth of NGOs has begun to change the way decisions are made and policy is formulated. In so doing, the article explores shifting NGO-government relations over time. The governance of service provision has become a complex, intertwined affair in which NGOs sit on national policymaking committees, government integrates NGO plans and budgets into national policy, and government actors learn from and copy NGOs' participatory, accountable approach. Through (1) the integration of former NGO leaders in government, (2) increasing the variety of voices heard in government decision making, (3) lobbying by NGOs, and (4) mimicry of NGOs by government, governance of Kenyan service provision has begun to become more democratic. Through such changes, developing countries are witnessing a blurring of the line between public and private. Adapted from the source document.

Terrible rulers, sullen populations, a terrorist fringe -- the Arabs' exceptionalism was becoming not just a human disaster but a moral one. Then, a frustrated Tunisian fruit vendor summoned his fellows to a new history, and millions heeded his call. The third Arab awakening came in the nick of time, and it may still usher in freedom. Adapted from the source document.

Orbis 55, No. 4 (Fall 2011), 577-599 ; This article assesses seven startling and unsettling similarities between Soviet strategies and tactics in Afghanistan during their Afghan war of 1979–1989 and American coalition strategies and tactics in Afghanistan since October 2001. It concludes with the implications of this dynamic. In particular, the similarities between Soviet and U.S. approaches to Afghanistan that focus on key population centers, reconciliation/reintegration, and the development of ''Afghan'' solutions to a variety of security concerns are extremely disturbing and, we believe, should be the focus of national attention and debate. ; Awarded the 2011 winner of the Colonel John J. Madigan III, U.S. Army War College Staff and Faculty Published Writing competition.