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Using 1990 5% Census and American Community Survey data, we examine the economic integration of Afghan refugees to the US, focusing on employment rates and income levels. First-wave Afghan refugees (those arriving 1980-90) have made significant income and employment gains, while poverty rates and reliance on government assistance have decreased dramatically. The most recent wave is not doing as well at comparable points in time. Controlling for factors such as cultural capital, cost of living, and length of residence in the US, Afghan refugees' incomes are the lowest of seven refugee/immigrant comparison groups. This is largely explained by lower employment levels, especially among less-educated Afghan women and highly educated Afghan women and men. Factors explaining this may include Afghans' strong gender division of labour, greater levels of physical and mental disability resulting from pre-migration and migration traumas, and inability to develop occupational niches providing pipelines to jobs for recent arrivals and less-educated women. Highly educated Afghan refugees' lower income is largely explained by the low incomes of those who earned their credentials outside the US. Although unmeasured, we suspect some of the unexplained direct negative effect of Afghan refugees on income is explained by anti-Muslim and anti-Afghan prejudice.

Experiences learned from the natural aging process are reproduced in a context of economic and social insecurity, which makes extremely elderly people vulnerable to discrimination. Research shows that discrimination against older people is not confined to the socially constructed stereotypes and prejudices towards the elderly, but the source is in conditions of poverty and inequality. Since the living conditions of the elderly are a reflection of the situation of young people, tackling the problem of discrimination need to complement comprehensive public policies that guarantee social security and access to justice for all people. Otherwise, senior will be eternally condemned to suffer the same problems that actually put face to face. ; Las experiencias del proceso natural de envejecimiento se reproducen en contextos de inseguridad social que hacen de los ancianos personas extremadamente vulnerables a la discriminación; sin embargo, sugiero que no son los prejuicios y estereotipos, en primera instancia, causantes de aquella, sino las condiciones de miseria y desigualdad en las que viven. Puesto que las condiciones de vida de los ancianos son un reflejo de las condiciones de vida de la población más joven, se requiere implementar políticas públicas de atención integral; de lo contrario, la población adulta estará condenada a padecer eternamente los problemas que hoy enfrentan.

This paper aims to portray theoretical debates to better understand the current state of the populist movements and political parties in the European Union, which is hit by various kinds of social-economic and financial difficulties leading to the escalation of fear and prejudice vis-à-vis 'others' who are ethno-culturally and religiously different. The main premise of this paper is that the ongoing social-political-economic-financial change in the EU resulting in fear against the unknown such as Islam, Muslims, refugees and migrants is likely to be turned by individual agents into cultural/religious/civilizational reification and political radicalization in order to overcome fear. The findings of this paper derive from a qualitative fieldwork held within the framework of a Horizon 2020 Research Project called "Critical Heritages (CoHERE): performing and representing identities in Europe".1 The fieldwork was held the research team in Dresden, Toulon, Rome, Rotterdam, Athens and Istanbul between March and May 2017. The main premise of this work in progress is to claim that pathologizing right-wing populism is not scientifically and politically productive. Rather than being the cause of the current state of political crisis in many European Union countries, right-wing populism should be interpreted as one of the symptoms of the long-neglected structural problems augmented by neo-liberal forms of governmentality.

Islam's positioning in relation to Western ideals of individuality, freedom, women's rights and democracy has been an abiding theme of sociological analysis and cultural criticism, especially since September 11th 2001. Less attention has been paid, however, to another concept that has been central to the image of Western modernity: science. This article analyzes comments about Islam gathered over the course of 117 interviews and 13 focus groups with non-Muslim members of the public and scientists in the UK and Canada on the theme of the relationship between science and religion. The article shows how participants' accounts of Islam and science contrasted starkly with their accounts of other religious traditions, with a notable minority of predominantly non-religious interviewees describing Islam as uniquely, and uniformly, hostile to science and rational thought. It highlights how such descriptions of Islam were used to justify the cultural othering of Muslims in the West and anxieties about educational segregation, demographic 'colonization' and Islamist extremism. Using these data, the article argues for: 1) wider recognition of how popular understandings of science remain bound up with conceptions of Western cultural superiority; and 2) greater attentiveness to how prejudices concerning Islamic beliefs help make the idea that Muslims pose a threat to the West respectable.

Through the lenses of Disability Studies and archaeological theories of identity, I use ancient Greek art, literature, architecture, laws, and bioarchaeology to investigate how ancient Greek communities (ca. 1000 to 100 BCE) understood, treated, and accommodated physical disability among their members. Most specifically, I trace how the intersection of disability with age resulted in different negotiations for infants, children, adults, and the elderly, as well as for mythological figures like the limping god Hephaistos. I demonstrate that far from being ejected from their families or communities, disabled ancient Greeks were integrated where they could be and accommodated where they couldn't. I highlight, for example, the ways that parents and midwives assisted infants who were born with conditions like cleft palate, as well as military exemptions for disabled adult men in 4th century BCE Athens. I emphasize how individuals with a variety of somatic realities participated and engaged in their communities. By removing disability from a biomedical frame of reference, with its attendant prejudices and estimations of ability predicated on modern modes of production and interaction, and re-locating it to an active, social context, I demonstrate the contingent and constructed nature of disability and resist generalizations about the universal plight of the disabled in the past.

Research on residential diversification has mainly focused on its negative impacts upon community cohesion and positive effects on intergroup relations. However, these analyses ignore how neighbourhood identity can shape the consequences of diversification among residents. Elsewhere, research using the Applied Social Identity Approach (ASIA) has demonstrated the potential for neighbourhood identity to provide social and psychological resources to cope with challenges. The current paper proposes a novel model whereby these 'Social Cure' processes can enable residents to cope with the specific challenges of diversification. We present two studies in support of this model, each from the increasingly religiously desegregated society of post-conflict Northern Ireland. Analysis of the 2012 'Northern Ireland Life and Times' survey shows that across Northern Ireland, neighbourhood identity impacts positively upon both wellbeing and intergroup attitudes via a reduction in intergroup anxiety. A second custom-designed survey of residents in a newly-mixed area of Belfast shows that neighbourhood identification predicts increased wellbeing, reduced intergroup anxiety and reduced prejudice, independently of group norms and experiences of contact. For political psychologists, our evidence suggests a reformulation of the fundamental question of 'what effects does residential mixing have on neighbourhoods?' to 'how can neighbourhood communities support residents to collectively cope with contact?'.

Los incidentes islamófobos han aumentado desde al año 2015 en toda Europa, según los datos de agencias europeas como la ENAR (European Network Against Racism) o la FRA (Fundamental Rights Agency), en concreto, la islamofobia ha ido dirigida especialmente hacia las mujeres musulmanas. En la primera parte del artículo se analizan las principales medidas y mecanismos en el derecho de la UE y en las instituciones internacionales para combatir este fenómeno. En la segunda parte se muestra cómo los prejuicios islamófobos están presentes en los razonamientos jurídicos de las dos altas instancias jurídicas en Europa: el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea y el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos ; Since 2015, Islamophobic incidents have increased throughout Europe, according to data from European agencies such as the ENAR (European Network Against Racism) or the FRA (Fundamental Rights Agency). In particular, Islamophobia has been directed especially towards Muslim women. The first part of the article will analyze the main legal measures and mechanisms adopted by the European Union Law and the European institutions to fight this phenomenon. The second part will show how Islamophobic prejudices are present in the legal reasoning of the two Supranational European Courts: the EU Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights

This meta-communicative study provides an analysis of global interfaith dialogue as it pertains to peace and conflict, with a primary focus on Islam. The Islamic Republic of Iran and United States have a complicated history. Their diplomatic relationship is rife with manipulation, radicalism, and a disregard for human dignity. Currently, the US is imposing hundreds of sanctions and restrictions on Iran, from nuclear energy to medicine, as a result of President Trump's decision to back out of the Iran Deal. However, other forms of dialogue are affecting positive relations between the two countries. Interfaith dialogue between North American Mennonites and Iranian Shia Muslims are mending the gaps in international diplomacy. As a result, this research provides a collection of scholarly opinions on interfaith dialogue as a tool for peacemaking in the context of Iran as an Islamic Republic. In doing so, this analysis includes an intimate focus on the perspectives of Shia Muslims in Iran regarding Western prejudice against Islam, Islamic conceptions of peace and pluralism, the intersection of religion and government, and their country's relationship to the United States. The goal of this research is to argue the importance of religious literacy regarding relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran and to support an avenue for further development in peacemaking between Iran and the US.

This research aimed to uncover collective memory denial of the victims' families of Students who died in Trisakti and Semanggi Tragedy 1998-1999. We described how this pattern of collective memory denial works. This research used the qualitative approach to the instrumental case study. The participants were three mothers of students who died in Trisakti and Semanggi tragedy. We carried out interviews and field note as data collecting technique. This data was analysed using thematic analysis technique. The result showed that there is a denial of collective memory which is experienced by victims' families of students who died at Trisakti and Semanggi tragedy. The pattern is formed systematically, orderly, and deliberately. This denial showed that the government deliberately prevented the people to remember this tragedy. Collective memory denial causes so many negative effects, such as conspiracy of silence on the people and second victimization for victims' families. Moreover, these effects included the form of prejudice, mistrust, aversion, and vengeance between the people. When social sharing continuously assembles, it will finish the emotional problem of a negative event. On the other hand, social sharing will develop subjective well-being of the people in that community, not only in short-term but also in long-term. Collective memory which is healthy distributed, motivates the community to discuss, express, and cope the painful trauma in the past.

This article discusses the role of child protection and residential care institutions in mediating the tension between women's productive and reproductive responsibilities in early state socialist Hungary. At a time when increasing numbers of women entered paid work in the framework of catch-up industrialization but the socialization of care work was inadequate, these institutions substituted for missing public child care services. Relying on not only policy documents but more than six hundred children's case files, including Romani children's files, from three different locations in Hungary as well as interviews with former children's home residents and personnel, the article examines the regulatory framework in which child protection institutions and caseworkers operated. It points to the differentiated forms of pressure these institutions exercised on Romani and non-Romani mothers to enter paid work between the late 1940s and the early 1950s from the intersectional perspective of gender and ethnicity. Showing that prejudice against "Gypsies" as work-shy persisted in child protection work across the systemic divide of the late 1940s, the article contributes to scholarship on state socialism and Stalinism that emphasizes the role of historical continuities. At the same time, reflecting on parental invention in using child protection as a form of child care, the article also complicates a simplistic social control approach to residential care institutions in Stalinist Hungary.

The level of the collaboration of third-party logistics users and logistic service providers are elaborated in Turkey. The synergy which is expected to come out after this cooperation seems to be lacking. Therefore the industry of Turkey is operating by carrying the opportunity cost of this synergy. The purpose of this paper is defining the reasons of the necessity of third-party logistics (3PL) using and exploring the reasons of being reluctant to this kind of collaborations. An empirical study is conducted in industrial organizations in Turkey. The research is designed according to the structure of the Turkish companies and the main issues of the logistics. Semi-structured interview are used to collect information and learn the opinions of the managers of the companies. The responses from 7 logistic service provider companies and 10 from some other randomly selected companies were evaluated at this explaratory research, 17 valid responses are analyzed. According to findings of this study, the expected synergy does not seem to be able to appear before the removement of some prejudices and embracing the modern and effective methods. On the other hand, size of the companies is strictly correlated with outsourcing and it is the reason of inadequate demand in Turkey.

ABSTRACTMillions of people in India are born with scars that will last a lifetime. These are scars of social rather than physical blemish and they reduce the capacity of such persons to function in life, free of prejudice and untainted by stigma. The source of these wounds is the practice of 'untouchability', meaning that any physical contact with them is avoided because they are considered 'unclean'. This article studies the nature of households in India that admit to 'practising untouchability' — in the sense of avoiding contact with persons they regard as unclean — and contrasts such households with those that claim to be not 'practising untouchability'. Such a contrast is possible because the data used, which are from the Indian Human Development Survey, associate with each household a wealth of economic, social and demographic data. Consequently, it is possible to estimate the likelihood of a household practising untouchability, conditional upon the values pertaining to it of a number of relevant factors. These include its social group, its main source of income, the highest educational level of its members, its urban or rural location and its region of residence. The central finding of the analysis is that the practice of untouchability is determined more by the region in which a household is located than by the caste to which it belongs.

Isabelle Garo's study,Foucault, Deleuze, Althusser & Marx: La politique dans la philosophie, presents a historical approach to the French philosophy of the 1960s and 1970s and its relationship to Marx and the Marxist tradition. In her view, these authors were captured by a largely mistaken understanding of the resources present in Marxist thought, and were overly affected by the prejudices instilled by the French Communist Party. Speaking from a perspective of practical commitment, she traces a path from early French Marxism to an anti-totalitarian consensus. Her study renders Louis Althusser's innovations the most pivotal in introducing a whole series of themes, with ambivalent effects on theoretical production today. Most significantly, she discerns a replacement of politics and political economy by philosophy and epistemology. She attends first to the mobilisation of psychoanalysis against humanism, which gave way to a vehement critique of the normative aspects of psychoanalysis itself. Re-reading Foucault and Deleuze as post-Althusserians, Garo suggests that this led to a championing of Friedrich Nietzsche's viewpoints against Marx. Garo's study is immensely valuable in contextualising the apparent innovations of poststructuralist thought. However, we can discern greater relevance for the insights of these thinkers for contemporary Marxist thought than Garo concedes, and her attempt to read them as a complete deviation from Marxist principles ultimately fails to convince.

Abstract
The 2003 invasion of Iraq by a coalition led by the United States and United Kingdom brought about a regime change that saw the imposition of a sectarianized political order in Iraq. Never before experienced by Iraqis, this politicized the social phenomenon of sectarian identity and prejudice. In spite of the countless references to the role of sectarianism by witnesses appearing before them, the 2016 Iraq Inquiry Report largely accepted the phenomenon as Sui generis – originating from within the Iraqi social setting and therefore accepted it as a rational and pragmatic modality around which to structure the new political order. This assumption saw the Inquiry adopt the assumption held by those they were meant to interrogate – the British officials and government decision makers who led Britain to war in 2003. The article argues that the new regime imposed through the US–UK occupation was not reflective of a bottom up desire for communal representation but rather a top down imposition by the occupation. This resulted in the expression of conflict in predominantly sectarian terms since 2003, the institutionalization of sectarianism in the constitution and government apparatus, as well as a denial of Iraqi self-determination and the opening of the country to excessive foreign influence, extending the bloodletting and impairing economic growth and social comity.

This paper sets out to investigate profound pedagogic differences existing in the two sub-systems of secondary education in Cameroon. The problem identified here is that there are profound differences in the curricular contents of the two sub-systems of education in Cameroon. The central arguments in this paper have been articulated within the context of Von Bertanlaffy's general system theory, John Dewey's theory of democratic education, Rousseau's social contract theory and James Banks' multicultural education theory. Both qualitative and quantitative methods of research have been used in this study. Questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussions and participant observation constituted the research instruments. A thematic analysis supported by descriptive statistics was used within the context of interpretative approach of hermeneutic phenomenology. This research offers a different model for curricular organization in Cameroon taking into consideration perspectives of equity in democratic education. It argues that changes have to be effected in favour of a democratic conception of education. This is precisely because education is the means to construct the type of society appropriate for a harmonious relationship. Findings prove that pedagogic discrepancies obstruct the process of equity and quality education. This paper concludes that in order to ensure fairness and quality in the provision of educational values, a suspension of prejudices is imperative in order to establish a school curriculum proper to Cameroon irrespective of the colonial identities we assume.