Suchergebnisse

THIS ARTICLE DISCUSSES WHEN MANIFEST DESTINY ENDS AND THE PURSUIT OF OVERSEAS IMPERIALISM BEGINS. THE CIVIL WAR INTERRUPTED THE TWO VARIETIES OF EXPANSION, ONE ROOTED IN THE 1840S, THE OTHER IN THE LATE 1890S, AND SO THE QUESTION BARELY RIPPLED THROUGH THE LITERATURE. DESPITE THEIR OBVIOUS SEPARATION IN TIME, THESE TWO VERSIONS OF EXPANSION ARE NOT SO NEATLY DISTINGUISHABLE. A SENSE OF MISSION GENERATED BOTH FORMS OF EXPANSION; BUT THE ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLYING THE ACTUAL PROCESSES DIFFERED.

Indonesia as a post-authoritarian democratic country has made impressive progress in its democratic transition. However, there is a significant contradiction in the democratic process, particularly in policy and law-making. This article queries to what extent democratic deconsolidation contributes to the ratification of the Omnibus Law on Job Creation in Indonesia. This research uses a qualitative method by using academic literature, news analysis, and official government documents. The study employs various theoretical approaches, including horizontal accountability by Wolfgang Merkel, discursive participation by Jürgen Habermas, and democratic civil-military relations by Samuel Huntington. The first finding shows that the accumulation of Joko Widodo's political power has affected the quality of debate and the agreement during the deliberation of the Omnibus Law in the parliament. Second, the opaque process by limiting public participation has narrowed the space for the democratic mobilization of the citizens. Third, the increasing number of retired armed forces in domestic affairs has resulted in the dual function of military power in securing the country and the economic development agenda. The study shows that the deconsolidation of democracy has contributed to the ratification of the Omnibus Law on Job Creation which was deliberated through a non-transparent mechanism.

The events on Euromaidan in late 2013 - early 2014 caused significant public pressure on the state. The growing role of civil society has significantly influenced the transformation of Ukraine's political system. This, in turn, was reflected in the selection of the most proactive participants, who formed the basis of the volunteer movement. The appearance of the volunteer movement, which was formed to provide the defense and overcome the consequences caused by the war in Ukraine, is associated with the beginning of the Revolution of Dignity and the invasion of the Russian Federation in the Crimea. The unpreparedness of state structures to respond effectively to challenges and act in conditions of social conflict, territorial annexation and occupation of part of Ukrainian territory was the motivation for the formation of the ATO volunteer movement. Under the conditions of that time, Ukrainian society demonstrated an incredible ability to consolidation, it mobilized and began to solve the most pressing problems facing Ukrainians, who were forced to defend the borders of the state. Individual volunteers began to form groups, leaders emerged in groups, which leaded organizations set up to help the military. The volunteer movement has become a mechanism that compensates for most of the shortcomings of public authorities.

A misleading advertisement is the one, which does not provide true information about the product. It may comprise of one or more than one aspect which mislead the consumer's such as deceptive price, wrong information, overstatement, etc. Therefore, it is must to set up regulation for this activity to protect consumers. The objectives this paper is to examine provisions legal available in Jordan such civil law 1976 in Jordan and the Jordanian Draft Law 2013 of consumer protection to control protect the consumer from misleading advertisements issue in Jordan. This paper will compare between the legal provision of Jordan and the Malaysian consumer protection legislations specifically in Consumer Protection Law 1999. In both countries, this comparative study will reveal the inadequacy or adequacy on the protection afforded to consumers on misleading advertising. According to the comparative study, the paper attempted benefit from the Consumer Protection Law 1999 of Malaysia concerning the protection of consumers against misleading advertising in order to provide guidance to Jordan in setting out legal for consumer against misleading advertisement to provide cover in issues such as information on advertisement as require under law, price, duty of advertiser, enforcement, punishment, and remedies.

Critical of US foreign policy and war on terrorism, questions if Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks would have happened or were just a consequence of US policies, the Al Qaeda organization, and security measures for internal defense and policing of citizens.

The study analyzed specifics of the political activity of citizens of the Czech Republic in the process of democratization. The Czech Republic is a typical country of Central Europe that develops a democratic political culture and values. The political and public participation of Czechs in practice is realized through participation of citizens in elections, local and national referendums, membership in political and public associations, petitions, complaints to authorities at all levels. The most common forms of political participation of the Czechs are electoral participation, membership in non-governmental organizations and trade unions.However, despite the establishment of the attitude towards democracy as an optimal political regime, as well as high rates of citizens' involvement in the elections, the skepticism of the Czechs on the potential of a democratic political regime is widespread. Moreover, as survey data show, the trust of the Czechs in the political institutions is not high too.Instead, citizens of the Czech Republic have a positive attitude towards the process of civil society development, as evidenced by extensive statistics. However, among the main problems of functioning of the civil sphere in the Czech Republic can be distinguished: the lack of historical experience of self-organization, the critical attitude of the part of the political elite to civil society organizations, doubts in the professionalism of public activists.The nature of the political and cultural orientations of the Czech population is a consequence of many socio-political and economic processes unfolding within the country, the influence of national traditions, the post-authoritarian heritage, the establishment of civil society institutions. As a result, it can be defined the mixed type of political culture of the modern Czech Republic, with the predominance of both activist and parochial type of thinking. The case of the Czech Republic is evidently confirmed the fact that, unlike the modernization of political institutions, changing the culture and value orientations of the population is a much longer process. ; У статті проаналізовано специфіку політичної активності громадян Чеської Республіки в процесі демократизації. Досліджено політичну участь громадян Чехії у межах найбільш поширених її форм: участь у виборах, членство у політичних та громадських об'єднаннях, консультаціях із владою тощо. Особлива увага приділена проблемі оцінки функціонування демократії та довіри до політичних інститутів. Сформульовано висновок, що характер політико-культурних орієнтацій громадян Чехії формується під впливом різних факторів, що зумовлює особливий змішаний тип політичної культури Чеської Республіки.

The study analyzed specifics of the political activity of citizens of the Czech Republic in the process of democratization. The Czech Republic is a typical country of Central Europe that develops a democratic political culture and values. The political and public participation of Czechs in practice is realized through participation of citizens in elections, local and national referendums, membership in political and public associations, petitions, complaints to authorities at all levels. The most common forms of political participation of the Czechs are electoral participation, membership in non-governmental organizations and trade unions.However, despite the establishment of the attitude towards democracy as an optimal political regime, as well as high rates of citizens' involvement in the elections, the skepticism of the Czechs on the potential of a democratic political regime is widespread. Moreover, as survey data show, the trust of the Czechs in the political institutions is not high too.Instead, citizens of the Czech Republic have a positive attitude towards the process of civil society development, as evidenced by extensive statistics. However, among the main problems of functioning of the civil sphere in the Czech Republic can be distinguished: the lack of historical experience of self-organization, the critical attitude of the part of the political elite to civil society organizations, doubts in the professionalism of public activists.The nature of the political and cultural orientations of the Czech population is a consequence of many socio-political and economic processes unfolding within the country, the influence of national traditions, the post-authoritarian heritage, the establishment of civil society institutions. As a result, it can be defined the mixed type of political culture of the modern Czech Republic, with the predominance of both activist and parochial type of thinking. The case of the Czech Republic is evidently confirmed the fact that, unlike the modernization of political institutions, changing the culture and value orientations of the population is a much longer process. ; У статті проаналізовано специфіку політичної активності громадян Чеської Республіки в процесі демократизації. Досліджено політичну участь громадян Чехії у межах найбільш поширених її форм: участь у виборах, членство у політичних та громадських об'єднаннях, консультаціях із владою тощо. Особлива увага приділена проблемі оцінки функціонування демократії та довіри до політичних інститутів. Сформульовано висновок, що характер політико-культурних орієнтацій громадян Чехії формується під впливом різних факторів, що зумовлює особливий змішаний тип політичної культури Чеської Республіки.

In the teaching of history, memory is increasingly present as knowledge of facts that traditional sources did not collect, especially with regard to the repression and use of violence for the elimination of the vanquished. Memory gives them a voice, but not only that, also puts us before the situation of reviewing the way of making history base on the evolution of societies, without analyzing all that was sacrificed in order to suppose advancement of human civilization. Memory not only makes us reflect and review the past but becomes a method of work, research in the class. Because of oral testimonies helps to students to participate actively in the formation of their historical awareness. So they can to interpret the past and better understand the present and not commit the same atrocities in the future. Increasingly, in more provinces of Spain, we have symbolic places of memory, with memorials raised for this purposed. With them, we can carry out itineraries of memory that allow us to understand our most recent and traumatic past during the Spanish Civil War and Francoism. ; En la enseñanza de la Historia cada vez está más presente la memoria como conocimiento de hechos que las fuentes tradicionales no recogían, especialmente en lo que se refiere a la represión y el uso de la violencia para la eliminación de los vencidos. La memoria les da voz, pero no sólo eso, sino que nos pone ante la tesitura de revisar la forma de hacer historia basada en la evolución de las sociedades, en su progreso sin analizar todo lo que se sacrificaba en aras del supuesto avance de la civilización humana. La memoria no sólo nos hace reflexionar y revisar el pasado, sino que se convierte en un método de trabajo, de investigación en el aula, ya que desde las fuentes orales los estudiantes pueden participar activamente en la formación de su conciencia histórica, para interpretar el pasado y entender mejor el presente y no cometer las mismas barbaridades en el futuro. Cada vez, en más provincias de España, tenemos lugares de la memoria simbólicos, con memoriales levantados al efecto, como para poder realizar itinerarios de memoria que nos permitan entender nuestro pasado más reciente y traumático durante la Guerra Civil y el franquismo.

As a result of the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001, the United States proclaims the beginning of the "War on terrorism". In this context, the arrest of terrorist suspects is carried out by the military and police of the United States. For the purpose of intelligence or because are still considered as threat to the U.S., some of those captured, were transferred to the U.S., Naval Base in Guantamano, Cuba. Given the fact that the U.S. denied the applicability of international human rights law in armed conflict and rejects the same extraterritorial form with regards to the detainees at Guantanamo, this investigation establishes that the applicability of the international law of human rights is not limited at the time of peace and that the existence of an armed conflict does not justify the suspension of human rights. Therefore, international human right, especially the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, is applicable. It also establishes the responsibility of the United States with respect to ILHR violations committed against the detainees who are under the "complete jurisdiction and control" U.S. in Guantamano. ; Como resultado del ataque terrorista del 11 de septiembre de 2001, Estados Unidos proclama el inicio de la "Guerra contra el Terrorismo". En este contexto se realizan las detenciones de sospechosos terroristas a cargo de las fuerzas militares y policiales de Estados Unidos y de otros Estados. Por su valor para la inteligencia o debido a que seguían siendo consideradas como amenaza para Estados Unidos, algunas de las personas capturadas, fueron trasladadas a la base naval estadounidense de Guantánamo, en Cuba. En vista que Estados Unidos niega la aplicabilidad de la normativa internacional de derechos humanos en el conflicto armado y rechaza la misma en forma extraterritorial respecto a los detenidos en Guantánamo, la presente investigación establece que la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional de los derechos humanos no se limita al tiempo de paz y que la existencia de un conflicto armado no justifica la suspensión de derechos humanos. Por lo tanto, la normativa internacional en derechos humanos, especialmente el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Civiles y Políticos resulta aplicable. Además, se establece la responsabilidad de Estados Unidos respecto de las violaciones al DIDH cometidas contra los detenidos que se encuentran bajo la "jurisdicción completa y el control" estadounidense en Guantánamo.

AbstractBuilding a Movement: Filipino American Union and Community Organizing in Seattle in the 1970sbyLigaya Rene DomingoDoctor of Philosophy in EducationUniversity of California, BerkeleyProfessor Catherine Ceniza Choy, Co-ChairProfessor Ingrid Seyer-Ochi, Co-ChairThe Asian American Movement emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, Antiwar Movement, Black Liberation Movement, and struggles for liberation in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Activists, including college students and community members throughout the United States, used "mass line" tactics to raise political awareness, build organizations, address community concerns, and ultimately to serve their communities. While the history of the Asian American Movement has been chronicled, the scholarship has been analytically and theoretically insufficient -and in some cases nonexistent- in terms of local struggles, how the movement unfolded, and the role of Filipino Americans. This dissertation focuses on one, untold story of the Asian American Movement: the role of activists in Seattle, Washington who were concerned with regional injustices affecting Filipino Americans. I argue that this local struggle in the Pacific Northwest not only demonstrates the diversity of action and strategy within the Asian American Movement but also deepens our understanding of the broader movement as both local and transnational - unique in its local strategies yet closely aligned with the goals of the era's social movements. Based on both historical and qualitative data, this dissertation uses a Gramscian framework to explore the possibilities and limitations of using civil society as instruments for social change. Specifically, I examine the efforts by a group of local activists in the 1970s to seek redress for the exclusion, discrimination and social dislocation experienced by Filipino Americans. I explore two local Asian American Movement case studies in which activists worked within two preexisting organizational formations of civil society, the Alaska Cannery Worker's Union and the Filipino Community of Seattle, to achieve their goals. This dissertation sheds light on the evolution of their organizing strategies and tactics with regard to broader processes of community and identity formation, as well as to their aims of bringing about revolutionary change. My research explored the following questions about attempts to serve and support the Filipino American community in Seattle in the 1970s: First, how do processes of community, identity, and ideological formation shape social movement organizing strategies? And second, how have changing patterns of immigration, institutional community formation, and international movement ideology shaped the strategies used by activists organizing on behalf of the Filipino American community in Seattle, Washington? I argue that the efforts to organize in support of the Seattle Filipino American community in the 1970s unfolded in two phases. In the first phase, the activists were influenced and guided by the Civil Rights Movement and the ideas of the larger Asian American Movement. These movements provided activists with a framework from which to understand their grievances and activists started organizing using a Civil Rights and equity-based framework to address grievances and achieve social reforms. However, the declaration of martial law in the Philippines in 1972 coincided with a fracture within the Filipino American community in Seattle because one group of activists experienced an ideological shift to a more radical viewpoint. This schism amongst the activists and within the larger Filipino American community was complicated by differences based on time of immigration, class, and generation and was manifested in political questions regarding the mission, goals, and use of both the Filipino Community of Seattle and the Cannery Worker's Union. In the second phase of organizing, the radical activists were no longer intent on just reforming these local organizations; they also had a broader political agenda, and their organizing strategies changed to reflect this ideological shift. I argue that the strategy of the activists in this second phase was what Gramsci calls a "War of Position," meaning that the activists tried to use civil society institutions - a non-profit and community organization and a union - as a means to build a social movement and as a way to wage an attack on the state. Ultimately, the findings of this study challenge previous claims that the Asian American Movement was either reformist or radical. In this case study of Filipino American activists in Seattle, the data demonstrates that they were agents for social reform and also revolutionaries, not one or the other. The findings of this study point to the need for more nuanced and complex frameworks for understanding social change processes and organizing strategies.

On April 26, 1862, Lewis H. Brown, a Civil War soldier, writes to his father, Alfred Brown, explaining that he caught a cold and is expecting that his regiment will stay on the move. Brown writes about the copious amount of oysters he has been enjoying and that he wants to send some home to his mother. Posted from Yorktown.

On August 6, 1861, Ten Eyck Fonda, a Civil War soldier, writes to his Brother about being careful of expressing his opinion of the administration and discusses the possibility of getting a furlough home. He also writes that he is stationed near the battles of Bull Run and Manassas and can hear the fighting. Posted from St. Dennis Relay House.

La negociación colectiva es un derecho de los Trabajadores del Estado que fundamenta la posibilidad de negociar incrementos remunerativos que mejoren la calidad de vida de los trabajadores y sus familias. Nuestro trabajo de investigación plantea el problema de las principales causas y consecuencias de la negociación colectiva de las condiciones de trabajo remunerativas en las Administraciones Públicas del Perú desde el año 2013 (fecha de publicación de la Ley del Servicio Civil) hasta el 2018 (fecha de la publicación del Decreto Legislativo 1442), siendo su objetivo identificar las principales causas que motivan a los trabajadores del sector público la negociación colectiva de condiciones de trabajo dinerarias, para luego identificar las consecuencias que se derivan de las referidas negociaciones. Esto se facilita a través de la realización del trabajo de campo en las Sentencias de Inconstitucionalidad que sobre la Negociación Colectiva en el Sector Público se han emitido, en los Informes Técnicos de la Autoridad Nacional del Servicio Civil, en las Casaciones de la Corte Suprema de la República y en los Proyectos de Ley que sobre Negociación Colectiva, donde se verifican negociaciones colectivas entre diversos Sindicatos de Servidores Públicos y Entidades Públicas que sobre mejora de remuneraciones se han emitido pese a la prohibición presupuestal contenida en las leyes del presupuesto. Nuestra hipótesis será demostrada a partir del análisis de los principales documentos jurídicos que emiten el Tribunal Constitucional, la Autoridad Nacional del Servicio Civil, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la República y el Poder Legislativo para concluir en la necesidad de la emisión de una normas emitida por el Congreso de la República que regule la negociación colectiva en el Sector Público garantizando el derecho de los trabajadores públicos.

La labor investigadora de esta tesis doctoral se ha centrado en el interés fundacional de carácter general. Toda la actuación fundacional gira en torno a este fin. Partiendo de la diferente regulación en España se da una visión general con especialidades de las normas fundacionales que ofrezcan una visión innovadora, todo ello se completa con referencias jurisprudenciales, tanto del TC como del TS y de otros órganos judiciales. Partiendo de la Ley estatal de Fundaciones del año 2002, se ofrece un panorama legislativo anterior a la CE así como sus normas posteriores y los intentos de nueva regulación. Según se van analizando las cuestiones fundacionales se van justificando con citas de modelos fundacionales que son referentes en nuestra sociedad, que aportan una gran labor social y enriquecen nuestro estado de bienestar, como indica el hehco de estar incluidas las fundaciones en el llamado Tercer Sector. El fin de interés general recogido de manera especial en el art. 3 de la LF y mencionado en otros tantos de sus artículos es lo que sirve para caracterizar a la fundación, diferenciándola de otras personas jurídicas. Estos fines deben cumplirse con una buena organización, acorde para poder beneficiar a colectividades genéricas de personas, para ello la fundación deberá tener una estructura interna bien formada, por lo que su actuación es clave en su funcionamiento. Los órganos de gobierno de las fundaciones son la clave para poder gestionar bien el patrimonio, conseguir los intereses fundacionales y llegar a más beneficiarios. En las fundaciones no se pueden repartir sus beneficios entre sus patronos, no son socios como en las sociedades mercantiles, pero no por eso quiere decir que exista una dejadez de funciones, precisamente las fundaciones deben alcanzar una obra social general, de ahí la protección concedida y el tratamiento reconocido más favorable fiscalmente, la administración a través del protectorado supervisa la actuación fundacional. La posibilidad de actuación, de gestión dinámica, no la mera pasividad de la titularidad de los bienes, el querer conseguir más riqueza social hace que en grandes fundaciones se tienda a una similitud en la estructura interna de sus órganos de gobierno al estilo de las sociedades anónimas. Cada vez vemos más fundaciones con Comités, gerentes, directores, se tiende a una especialización pues los patronos son cargos gratuitos de carácter personal, a los que se les ha ido exigiendo una responsabilidad mayor. Estas razones me han hecho investigar la mejor manera de organizar las fundaciones, su entramado interno y sus efectos externos. Es decir una fundación debe constituirse conforme a los parámetros legales, pero no todas las fundaciones son iguales, todas tienen un patronato supervisado por el protectorado, pero dado que deben cumplir un fin de interés general y beneficiar no a personas individualizadas sino a una colectividad genérica, debe contar con un personal conocedor del funcionamiento y vida empresarial. Esta es la estructura que se ha seguido en esta tesis doctoral: conseguir fines generales con una buena gestión y funcionamiento acorde a la implantación de normas de buen gobierno en la persona jurídica fundacional. ; Departamento de Derecho Civil ; Doctorado en Derecho