Suchergebnisse

The scholarly contributors to this volume investigate various means to stimulate and facilitate reflection on new social relations while clarifying the contradictions between religious and social affiliation from different perspectives and experiences. They explore hindrances whose removal could enable Muslim children and youth to pursue equal participation in political and social life, and the ways that education could facilitate this process. Contents Muslims in Europe Citizenship Education Religion and Citizenship Education Values and Citizenship Education Target Groups Researchers and students interested in Public, Academics-Education, Religious and Migration Studies The Editors Dr. Ednan Aslan is Chair of the Institute for Islamic Studies and Islamic Religious Education at the Center for Teacher Education at the University of Vienna. Dr. Marcia Hermansen is Director of the Islamic World Studies program at Loyola University Chicago where she teaches courses in Islamic Studies and Religious Studies as a Professor in the Theology Department

The definition of Bosnian Islam as a "European Islam" frequently conceals its diversity and its links with the rest of the Muslim world. The internal plurality of Bosnian Islam can be reduced to three definitions of Islam embodied by three major Islamic thinkers in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Fikret Karcic, a specialist of fikh (Islamic jurisprudence), considers Islam as an individual faith. Enes Karic, a specialist of tefsir (interpretation of the Coran), defines it as a common culture. Adnan Jahic, a philosopher and an activist of the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), tends to turn it into a discriminatory political ideology. ; La définition de l'islam bosnien comme "islam européen" masque souvent sa diversité et ses liens avec le reste du monde musulman. La pluralité interne de l'islam bosnien peut être ramenée à trois définitions de l'islam incarnées par trois penseurs islamiques majeurs en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Fikret Karcic, spécialiste de fikh (jurisprudence islamique), considère l'islam comme une foi individuelle. Enes Karic, spécialiste de tefsir (interprétation du Coran), le définit comme une culture commune. Adnan Jahic, philosophe et activiste du Parti de l'action démocratique (SDA), tend à en faire une idéologie politique discriminante.

The definition of Bosnian Islam as a "European Islam" frequently conceals its diversity and its links with the rest of the Muslim world. The internal plurality of Bosnian Islam can be reduced to three definitions of Islam embodied by three major Islamic thinkers in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Fikret Karcic, a specialist of fikh (Islamic jurisprudence), considers Islam as an individual faith. Enes Karic, a specialist of tefsir (interpretation of the Coran), defines it as a common culture. Adnan Jahic, a philosopher and an activist of the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), tends to turn it into a discriminatory political ideology. ; La définition de l'islam bosnien comme "islam européen" masque souvent sa diversité et ses liens avec le reste du monde musulman. La pluralité interne de l'islam bosnien peut être ramenée à trois définitions de l'islam incarnées par trois penseurs islamiques majeurs en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Fikret Karcic, spécialiste de fikh (jurisprudence islamique), considère l'islam comme une foi individuelle. Enes Karic, spécialiste de tefsir (interprétation du Coran), le définit comme une culture commune. Adnan Jahic, philosophe et activiste du Parti de l'action démocratique (SDA), tend à en faire une idéologie politique discriminante.

Ibrahim, Ismail bin Haji: Introduction - Islam in Southeast Asia. - S. 1-4. Loqman, Muhammad: Islamic banking and business. Laws vis-a-vis economic development. - S. 9-49. Endo, Shigeru: Non-interest financing and the Islamic economies. - S. 51-56. Muhammady, Muhammad 'Uthman El-: The Muslim society as an information society. - S. 61-65. Abdul Majeed, Abu Bakar: Information age. An Islamic perspective. - S. 67-84. Kosugi, Yusushi: OIC as an international Shura body of the Islamic world. - S. 89-95. Shukri, Muhammad Aziz: War and peace in Islam. - S. 97-104. Resolutions. - S. 105-115

In this article first the Islamic understanding of the relationship between the living and dead, who stayed in contact above all through dreams, as the basis for the development ofmemoriain Islam is treated. How and to what degree the deeds of the living could have an effect on the situation of the dead was debated by Islamic scholars amidst great controversy. On this basis the various practices of Islamic commemoration of the dead are discussed in their chronological development, from the architectural form of tombs to the recitation of the Qur'an for the dead, the visitation of the grave or the funerary meal. The funerary poem (marthiya) is also included as its own form ofmemoriain the examination. Thewaqf, the Islamic pious foundation, acquired a particular importance which indicated the institutionalization of these practices and thus developed to become one of the most important forms of expression of Islamicmemoria.

It has been two decades since Samuel P. Huntington, a Harvard political scientist, first published his famous essay, "The Clash of Civilizations?" [1]. In the essay, and later in his book with the same title (minus the question mark) [2], Huntington argues that conflict in the post-Cold War era will be driven largely by irreconcilable cultural and religious differences, particularly in regards to Islam and the West. The conflict between these two civilizations, while not new, is bound to persist in large part because Islam is prone to violence. Much of the global conflict that exists in the modern world, observes Huntington, involves Muslims. It is for this reason that he states so bluntly: "Islam has bloody borders" ([1], p. 35). [.]

Este texto trata las formas que toma la relación entre la política y la religión en Marruecos a través de las prácticas políticas del poder dominante representado por la monarquía frente a las fuerzas del Islam político que compiten en adquirir la legitimidad de la representación política del Islam en el espacio público. En este artículo se destaca los tipos de las relaciones políticas que se establecen entre la monarquía y el Islam político. Esta relación está sujeta a intereses estratégicos del poder oficial (la monarquía) y a las aspiraciones del Islam político en convertirse en actor legítimo en el juego político desde la religión. ; This article deals with the forms taken by the relationship between politics and religion in Morocco through the political practices of the dominant power represented by the monarchy against the forces of political Islam. These forces compete in acquiring the legitimacy of the political representation of Islam in the public space. This article highlights the types of political relations that are established between the monarchy and political Islam. This relationship is subject to strategic interests of the official power (the monarchy) and to the aspirations of political Islam to become a legitimate actor in political play from religion. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

Abstract. This paper reveals and analyses the ethnic politics mobilised by a fast‐growing Islamic movement, the Gülen movement, which emerged in the 1980s in Turkey and expanded to Central Asia in the mid‐1990s. Following the micro‐sites, where nationness is reproduced as an everyday practice, my ethnographic research in Almaty‐Kazakhstan explored the emergent Islamic sensibilities for the nation and ethnic identity. Revivalist Islam has often been essentialised as incompatible with nationalism, since it has been widely associated with the Muslim community rather than nations and nation‐states. I argue that this bias is facilitated and maintained by the deep division in the literature. Scholarly work on both Islam and nationalism are split into two opposing approaches, state‐centered and culture‐centered. The findings of the present study challenge the binary thinking that juxtaposes politics against culture and dichotomises ethnic and state‐framed base of nationalism and nationhood. My major finding is that the Gülen movement has not only inherited the symbols and myths of descent from the founding fathers of the Turkish state, but it is also currently reproducing the related ethnic politics in cooperation with–not in opposition to–the secular states in the post‐Soviet Turkic world. The study reconciles ethno‐symbolic and state‐centered approaches in explaining the convergence between Islamic and secular nationalism in the formation of ethnic politics in Almaty‐Kazakhstan.