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This symposium essay argues that administrative regulation of abortion and reproductive rights deserve closer study. Administrative regulation of abortion is overwhelmingly health regulation; the focus is on abortion as a medical procedure, and the government's only stated interest is protecting the health of women obtaining abortions. Such regulation is becoming increasingly common, and is worthy of greater attention on that ground alone. But in addition, and of particular relevance to this symposium on reproductive rights and equality, administrative abortion regulation demonstrates the difficulty in successfully challenging abortion restrictions as unconstitutional gender discrimination. Given general medical agreement that early abortions pose minimal health risks, coupled with the absence of the unique aspect of abortion – the state's interest in preserving potential life – measures singling abortion out for burdensome health regulations might be thought particularly vulnerable to a gender equal protection challenge. Paradoxically, however, emphasizing these measures' health focus serves to immunize them against constitutional challenge, because it makes these measures appear as a species of ordinary regulation and triggers deference to government's broad power to regulate in the name of health and to administrative expertise. Yet at the same time, the perception of abortion health measures as ordinary regulation opens up the possibility of challenging these measures in more straightforward administrative law terms.

There is growing appreciation for the value of holding enclave dialogue and deliberation among marginalized peoples in their own affinity groups, as one stage in a larger conversation with the broader public or with public officials. These enclaves may be disempowered by enduring political inequalities, or in relation to a particular issue under discussion, or by the act of deliberation itself. Recent research and practice has demonstrated that well-structured dialogue and deliberation in enclaves can increase the inclusion, participation, and influence of members of society who have been excluded from public discourse, while avoiding the dangers of coercion, sectarianism, conformism, error, and illegitimacy. We review normative arguments and empirical evidence for the judicious use of affinity group enclaves to advance equity. We show multiple ways in which enclaves can be incorporated into democratic projects and processes that also include discussion among more representative samples of the public and with government. We offer design principles for affinity group discussion, which are illustrated by a recent series of dialogues on Facing Racism in a Diverse Nation, organized in the U.S. by Everyday Democracy. Finally, we discuss conditions in which enclave deliberation is most likely to be needed to create equity and suggest an agenda for future research.

"For pathways to be truly sustainable and advance gender equality and the rights and capabilities of women and girls, those whose lives and well-being are at stake must be involved in leading the way. Gender Equality and Sustainable Development calls for policies, investments and initiatives in sustainable development that recognize women's knowledge, agency and decision-making as fundamental. Four key sets of issues - work and industrial production; population and reproduction; food and agriculture, and water, sanitation and energy provide focal lenses through which these challenges are considered. Perspectives from new feminist political ecology and economy are integrated, alongside issues of rights, relations and power. The book untangles the complex interactions between different dimensions of gender relations and of sustainability, and explores how policy and activism can build synergies between them. Finally, this book demonstrates how plural pathways are possible; underpinned by different narratives about gender and sustainability, and how the choices between these are ultimately political. This timely book will be of great interest to students, scholars, practitioners and policy makers working on gender, sustainable development, development studies and ecological economics"--Publisher's description.

Some assessments of the new global economy are overstated & this, with environmentalism's predisposition to decentralization, has limited global environmental politics. While globalization does provoke equity & environmental failures, it does not "universalize" unemployment, nor is it necessarily financially unstable. It may be successful in its own terms -- advancing total global GDP. As well, it is arguable that some wage restraint in rich nations is ultimately necessary to the simultaneous achievement of sustainability & global-scale equity. Rather than resisting globalization, the better strategy for progressive greens might be to promote a global policy agenda including the democratic control of global media, harmonized tax shifts to energy & material throughputs (&/or higher commodity prices), environmental treaty enforcement using trade-based sanctions, & the establishment of a global minimum wage. 1 Table, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Four: Negotiating consent in neighbourhood-based community development work-Jeroen Gradener and Mike de KreekFive: Whose ethics counts? Ethical issues in community development and action research with communities facing stigmatisation-Pradeep Narayanan and Sowmyaa Bharadwaj; Six: Koorliny birniny, ni, quoppa katatjin: respect and ethics in working with Indigenous Australian communities-Jennie Buchanan, Len Collard and Dave Palmer

Argues that class as well as gender and race issues should be addressed in order to attain the goal of equal pay for equal work; some focus on wages of women; US.

A reply to Janet A. Weiss's, John Coons's, & Jeffrey R. Henig's comments on Godwin et al's "Liberal Equity in Education: A Comparison of Choice Options" (all, 1998) maintains that a program using a graduated voucher system with low-income quotas for choice schools will help to alleviate inequalities of opportunity, diversity, & rights of lower-income families. It is agreed that more research is needed, but contended that the necessary data will only be obtained by instituting a pilot program that includes sectarian schools & does not restrict vouchers. Further, suggested integration requirements for schools accepting vouchers would prevent the greater class & ethnic segregation predicted by school choice opponents & would enhance diversity, which includes an expansion of the range of groups that support differing worldviews. It is not suggested that the state's role would increase governmental power, but simply that the national government should protect minority viewpoints often denied at the local level. The importance of moral self-perfection in promoting tolerance is discussed. 6 References. J. Lindroth