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This research examines concentration and similarity in the first name distributions of African Americans and whites resident in Mississippi in 1910. Data are drawn from the Public Use Sample of the 1910 Census, with names added from microfilm copies of original Census manuscripts. We find little difference in the degree of concentration of the name distributions and only modest dissimilarity in name choice. Multivariate analysis using age as a proxy for period of name assignment (birth cohort) indicates that racial differentiation in name choice increased over the period 1870 to 1910 primarily as a result of changes in the name choices of whites. We discuss these results in conjunction with the recent work of Lieberson and Bell (1992) on contemporary racial differences in naming patterns. Lieberson and Bell (1992) argue that African Americans in the contemporary period emphasize group differences by choosing "African" or "African sounding" names. In Mississippi in the period between the abolition of slavery and 1910, we argue that whites distanced themselves from African Americans by choosing increasingly the "whitest" names (e.g., those disproportionately chosen by whites). Changing naming patterns are not orchestrated group responses. Instead, they reflect emergent cultural responses to fundamental social change.

Les premières oppositions aux noms de domaines étaient principalement résolues par des demandes d'injonctions aux tribunaux. Pour obtenir ce redressement, les opposants argumentaient que l'utilisation d'un nom de domaine enfreignait un droit privé. Aujourd'hui, la plupart des conflits au sujet des noms de domaines sont résolus en ayant recours à une pratique de règlement des conflits mise en place par contrat lors de l'enregistrement des noms de domaines. Les droits des deux parties sont soupesés soigneusement dans la politique pertinente et une décision écrite est requise lors de la formation du panel. Quel est le statut d'une telle décision vis-à-vis d'une intervention du tribunal ultérieure une fois le processus de règlement extrajudiciaire des conflits achevé? Le tribunal a-t-il la juridiction de traiter une dispute de novo en raison de l'adoption d'une déclaration? L'application des principes traditionnels de l'attaque indirecte et de l'issue estoppel pour une même question de droit administratif en litige n'appuient pas de novo l'intervention judiciaire. Les principes de droit administratif pour le contrôle judiciaire des décisions du tribunal n'appuient donc manifestement pas les interventions judiciaires. ; Abstract: Early domain name challenges were primarily resolved by application to the courts for an injunction. To obtain this relief, challengers argued that the use of the domain name infringed a private law right. Today, most current domain name disputes are resolved by recourse to a dispute resolution policy set up by contract at the time a domain name is registered. The rights of both parties are carefully balanced in the relevant policy and a written decision is required of the panel. What is the status of such a decision after completion of the alternate dispute resolution process vis-à-vis subsequent court intervention? Does a court have jurisdiction to hear the dispute de novo by way of an application for declaration? Application of traditional administrative law principles of collateral attack and issue estoppel do not support de novo judicial intervention. Nor do the administrative law principles for judicial review of consensual tribunal decisions clearly support court intervention.

Düsternis umgibt die Menschen in Deutschland! Der Bundeshaushalt sei aus den Fugen geraten, Arbeitslosigkeit werde mit Steuergeld subventioniert, die Wirtschaft […]
The post Kassandra hat einen neuen Namen: Friedrich Merz first appeared on Blog der Republik.

Frontmatter --Inhalt --1. Einleitung --2. Islamophobia Studies. Konturen eines jungen Forschungsfeldes --3. Antimuslimischer Rassismus als analytisches Konzept --4. Grundlagen einer hegemonietheoretischen Rassismusanalyse --5. "Islam gleich Problem". Dimensionen der muslimischen Frage --6. Von der Kulturalisierung zur Temporalisierung. Antimuslimischer Rassismus als historizistischer Rassismus --7. Von der Rassismusanalyse zur Konjunkturanalyse. Die gesellschaftlichen Funktionen des antimuslimischen Rassismus --8. Rassismus im Namen der Emanzipation. Befunde, Grenzen, Ausblick --9. Literaturverzeichnis

Frontmatter -- Inhalt -- 1. Einleitung -- 2. Islamophobia Studies. Konturen eines jungen Forschungsfeldes -- 3. Antimuslimischer Rassismus als analytisches Konzept -- 4. Grundlagen einer hegemonietheoretischen Rassismusanalyse -- 5. »Islam gleich Problem«. Dimensionen der muslimischen Frage -- 6. Von der Kulturalisierung zur Temporalisierung. Antimuslimischer Rassismus als historizistischer Rassismus -- 7. Von der Rassismusanalyse zur Konjunkturanalyse. Die gesellschaftlichen Funktionen des antimuslimischen Rassismus -- 8. Rassismus im Namen der Emanzipation. Befunde, Grenzen, Ausblick -- 9. Literaturverzeichnis

Der Verfasser setzt sich zunächst grundsätzlich mit der Rechtsformel "Im Namen des Volkes" auseinander und verweist auf den grundgesetzlich verankerten Anspruch auf rechtliches Gehör. Als entscheidende Ursache für die unzureichende Akzeptanz von Gerichtsurteilen sieht er im Folgenden die Unterschiedlichkeit des Wertebewusstseins der Gerichte einerseits und der Adressaten ihrer Entscheidungen andererseits. Darüberhinaus spielt der Einfluss der Medien auf die öffentliche Meinungsbildung eine Rolle. Der Verfasser plädiert dafür, in Verhandlungen vor Gericht die Erörterungspflichten des Richters zum Motor für eine umfassende Kommunikation zu machen. Zudem sollte die Einbeziehung der Schöffen verbessert werden. (ICE)

The article examines Slavic / pagan month names that existed in Old Russia in the 11th–14th centuries. The author systematizes the sources that contain references to these names. These sources are divided into three groups according to the number of references to the studied names in them. The first group is menologies, which, as a rule, form a single complex with the liturgical Aprakos-Gospels. Most references to the Slavic month names can be found there. The second group is comprised of the Old Russian narrative sources. The sources of this group are represented by one chronicle. This is the Tale of Bygone Years. There is one mentioning of the Slavic month name in this chronicle — "Gruden" (November). The third group unites various sources, whose common feature is the origin and existence in everyday life of common people. This group of sources includes birch bark letters, penances, graffiti, etc. There are no references to Slavic month names and practically no examples of using months to count time in these sources. Based on the examined data, the author comes to the conclusion that the Slavic / pagan month names came to Russia along with the Old Bulgarian (Church Slavonic) manuscripts and had no direct connection with local East Slavic customs.

Entries provide the likely sources for a name; describe historical and mythological backgrounds; examine Shakespeare's presentation of a character or place; and suggest various interpretations of a name. Each entry contains line citations to William Shakespeare: The Complete Works, edited by Wells and Taylor, Oxford University Press, 1986.

In wide areas, including Albania, names were fixed as patronymics and family surnames, showing that their context fluctuation is related to a relative transmissible fixity which must make possible an instrumental politics in naming practice as well as the assertiveness of a kind of individual agency, especially by means of nicknames. Such an emphasis on naming practice and politics thus must lead us to understand the interplay between identity and power.

Seven months after the advisory-only EU referendum, 114 brave MPs passionately spoke and voted AGAINST triggering Brexit. Chris Bryant, Labour MP for the Rhondda, was one of them. Along with 46 other Labour MPs, he defied the 3-line whip imposed by his then party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, and voted AGAINST the European Union (Notification of […]
The post Brexit? “Not in my name. Never!” appeared first on EU ROPE.

International audience ; In wide areas, including Albania, names were fixed as patronymics and family surnames, showing that their context fluctuation is related to a relative transmissible fixity which must make possible an instrumental politics in naming practice as well as the assertiveness of a kind of individual agency, especially by means of nicknames. Such an emphasis on naming practice and politics thus must lead us to understand the interplay between identity and power.

International audience ; In wide areas, including Albania, names were fixed as patronymics and family surnames, showing that their context fluctuation is related to a relative transmissible fixity which must make possible an instrumental politics in naming practice as well as the assertiveness of a kind of individual agency, especially by means of nicknames. Such an emphasis on naming practice and politics thus must lead us to understand the interplay between identity and power.

Seven months after the advisory-only EU referendum, 114 brave MPs passionately spoke and voted AGAINST triggering Brexit. Chris Bryant, Labour MP for the Rhondda, was one of them. Along with 46 other Labour MPs, he defied the 3-line whip imposed by his then party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, and voted AGAINST the European Union (Notification of […]
The post Brexit? “Not in my name. Never!” appeared first on Ideas on Europe.