RESUMOAdotando como referência empírica o movimento de moradia do centro de São Paulo, o presente artigo tem como objetivo principal analisar o significado das ocupações de imóveis ociosos promovidas por atores desse movimento na área central da cidade. Demonstramos, com isso, o papel dos movimentos sociais como atores que se colocam na posição de desafiantes das ideias, dos discursos e valores hegemônicos na sociedade. Por meio da fala dos próprios ativistas engajados nessa mobilização, discute-se também como o direito de morar no centro tornou-se uma pauta política gradualmente construída pelos setores populares. A metodologia adotada, de caráter predominantemente qualitativo, consistiu em revisão teórica, coleta de dados em documentos e material jornalístico e entrevistas com militantes. Como conclusão, sugerimos que o principal significado das ocupações nas áreas centrais consiste no questionamento do modelo hegemônico de urbanização na sociedade brasileira, que, historicamente, afastou as camadas mais pobres em direção aos cinturões periféricos das cidades.Palavras-Chave: Movimento de moradia; Ocupações; Conflito; Direito à cidade; UrbanizaçãoWHAT DO PROPERTY OCCUPATIONS IN CENTRAL AREAS MEAN?ABSTRACTTaking as an empirical reference the housing movement of the São Paulo downtown, the objective of this article is to analyze the meaning of occupations of unoccupied real estate promoted by actors of this movement in the central area of the city. We try to demonstrate that the role of the social movements as actors who place themselves in the position of challengers of ideas, discourses and hegemonic values in society. By the speech of the activists engaged in this mobilization, it is also discussed how the right of living in downtown became a political agenda gradually built by popular sectors. The method of the study is predominantly qualitative, as it consisted in theoretical review, data collection of documents, journalistic material, and interviews with activists. As a conclusion, we suggest that the main meaning of occupations in the central areas consist in the questioning of the hegemonic model of urbanization in Brazilian society, which historically moved the poorer strata toward the peripheries of the cities.Key words: Housing movement; Occupations; Conflict; Right to the city; UrbanizationQUELLE EST LA SIGNIFICATION DES OCCUPATIONS D'IMMEUBLES DANS DES ZONES CENTRALES?ABSTRACTEn prenant comme référence empirique le mouvement pour le logement du centre de Sao Paulo, l'objectif principal de cet article est d'analyser la signification des occupations d'immeubles vides promus par les acteurs de ce mouvement dans le centre de la ville. Nous démontrons ainsi le rôle des mouvements sociaux comme acteurs qui assument une position de défi des idées, des discours et des valeurs hégémoniques dans la société. Par le biais des discours des activistes eux-mêmes engagés dans cette mobilisation, il y a lieu de savoir aussi comment le droit d'habiter au centre de la ville est devenu un sujet politique construit progressivement par les secteurs populaires. La méthodologie adoptée, essentiellement qualitative, a consisté en une révision de la théorie, une collecte de données issue de documents et de matériel journalistique ainsi que d'interviews avec des militants. Pour conclure, nous estimons que le sens principal de l'occupation des aires centrales consiste en une remise en question du modèle hégémonique de l'urbanisation dans la société brésilienne qui, tout au long de l'histoire a éloigné les couches plus pauvres vers les ceintures périphériques des villes.Key words: Mouvement pour le logement; Occupations; Conflit; Droit à la ville; Urbanisation
Abstrak -- Saat ini Indonesia berada dalam posisi terjepit dalam konflik Laut Tiongkok Selatan. Tidak terlibatnya Indonesia dalam konflik tersebut bukan berarti Indonesia lepas dari bahaya konflik kepentingan maupun perang yang dapat terjadi karena sengketa wilayah tersebut. Tiongkok sebagai salah satu negara terkuat di dunia menjadi semakin agresif seiring dengan meningkatnya kapabilitas militernya. Kondisi ini semakin diperburuk dengan klaim Tiongkok atas Laut Tiongkok Selatan yang mencakup wilayah Malaysia, Brunei, Vietnam, dan juga Filipina atas dasar historis. Selain pihak-pihak yang bertikai, Amerika Serikat juga tampak berupaya melakukan intervensi terhadap konflik-konflik yang dihadapi oleh Tiongkok. Seperti pada kasus sengketa Kepulauan Senkaku dengan Jepang, Amerika ikut melakukan intervensi dengan cara membantu Jepang dalam kerja sama militernya untuk menghadapi Tiongkok. Begitu juga dalam kasus Laut Tiongkok Selatan ini, Amerika menggunakan alasan kebebasan bernavigasi untuk mencegah klaim Tiongkok menjadi kenyataan di salah satu jalur pelayaran terpadat di Asia. Ini yang dimaksudkan dengan posisi terjepit Indonesia. Berada persis di batas garis konflik bukan berarti keamanan Indonesia terjamin. Dengan adanya dua kekuatan adidaya dunia yakni Amerika Serikat dengan Tiongkok serta beberapa negara anggota ASEAN yang berkonflik Indonesia mengalami suatu dilema di mana banyaknya kepentingan politik, ekonomi hingga kepentingan pertahanan Indonesia dapat terganggu dengan adanya konflik ini. Baik dari kondisi realita hingga skenario peperangan yang dapat muncul karena Code of Conduct sampai saat ini tidak terselesaikan, posisi pertahanan Indonesai saat ini sedang tidak dalam posisi yang menguntungkan.Kata kunci: Sengketa, pertahanan, skenario perang, asean, tiongkok, amerika serikat, politik, militer. Abstract -- Indonesia is currently in a pinned position in the South China Sea conflict. The absence of Indonesia's involvement in the conflict does not mean that Indonesia is free from any danger of conflict of interest or war that may occur due to the dispute of the territory. China as one of the strongest countries in the world becomes more aggressive as its military capability increases. This condition is further exacerbated by China's claim to the South China Sea covering Malaysia, Brunei, Vietnam and the Philippines on a historical basis. In addition to the conflicting parties, the United States also appears to be seeking to intervene in the conflicts faced by China. As in the case of the Senkaku Islands dispute with Japan, the Americans participated in intervening by helping Japan in its military cooperation to confront China. Likewise in the case of the South China Sea, Americans use the reason for the freedom of navigation to prevent Chinese claims from becoming reality in one of Asia's most populous shipping lanes. This is what is meant by Indonesia's pinched position. Being right on the boundary of the conflict does not mean that Indonesia's security is guaranteed. With the two world superpowers namely the United States with China and several ASEAN member states in conflict Indonesia experienced a dilemma in which many political interests, economic up to the interests of Indonesian defense can be disrupted by this conflict. Both from the condition of reality to the scenario of war that can arise because the Code of Conduct to date has not been resolved, Indonesia's defense position is currently not in a favorable position.Keywords: Disputes, defense, war scenarios, asean, china, united states, politics, military.
La percepció d'Angela Merkel per part de la ciutadania espanyola ha experimentat un tomb qualitatiu en els últims anys, incrementant-se les valoracions de caràcter negatiu conforme ens apropem al present. Aquesta tendència obeeix a un creixent protagonisme de la cancellera alemanya en la nostra agenda política, fruit del paper de lideratge que exerceix a la Unió Europea. Partint d'aquests fets, el present article analitza el paper del diari La Vanguardia a la construcció mediàtica d'aquesta líder de facto. Mitjançant l'anàlisi dels textos d'opinió publicats en el període circumdant a les tres últimes eleccions federals alemanyes (celebrades el 2005, 2009 i 2013), comprovem la influència del medi en la formació de les percepcions sostingudes pels ciutadans, vinculant-les amb els resultats més destacats dels estudis sociològics i les enquestes que a ella es refereixen. Mitjançant l'anàlisi dels aspectes formals i de contingut d'aquestes peces, i prenent sempre en consideració els mitjans de comunicació com a agents fonamentals en el procés de formació de judicis i valoracions polítiques, s'analitza l'evolució d'un corrent d'opinió cada vegada més desfavorable cap a la ja batejada pels mitjans com «la freda propietària d'Europa». ; The Spanish perception of German Chancellor Angela Merkel has undergone a qualitative change. Negative evaluations have increased as we approach the present, due to her increasing role in the national sphere because of her leadership in the European Union. Taking these facts as a starting point, this article notes the influence of a major national newspaper (La Vanguardia) in the media construction of this de facto leader. Linking with sociological surveys, we check the media influence in the formation of perceptions through the analysis of the opinion pieces published during the last three German federal elections, in 2005, 2009 and 2013. The formal, stylistic and content aspects are taken into account in the analysis of the opinion pieces, always taking mass media as key players in the formation of judgments. In this sense, we analyze the evolution of an increasingly unfavorable tendency toward a political figure dubbed by media as "the cold owner of Europe". ; La percepción de Angela Merkel por parte de la ciudadanía española ha experimentado un vuelco cualitativo en los últimos años, incrementándose las valoraciones de carácter negativo conforme nos acercamos al presente. Esta tendencia obedece a un creciente protagonismo de la canciller alemana en nuestra agenda política, fruto del papel de liderazgo que ejerce en la Unión Europea. Partiendo de estos hechos, el presente artículo analiza el papel del periódico La Vanguardia en la construcción mediática de esta líder de facto. Mediante el análisis de los textos de opinión publicados en el periodo circundante a las tres últimas elecciones federales alemanas (celebradas en 2005, 2009 y 2013), comprobamos la influencia del medio en la formación de las percepciones sostenidas por los ciudadanos, vinculándolas con los resultados más destacados de los estudios sociológicos y las encuestas que a ella se refieren. Mediante el análisis de los aspectos formales y de contenido de dichas piezas, y tomando siempre en consideración los medios de comunicación como agentes fundamentales en el proceso de formación de juicios y valoraciones políticas, se analiza la evolución de una corriente de opinión cada vez más desfavorable hacia la ya bautizada por los medios como «la fría dueña de Europa».
En este artículo se pretende analizar algunos de los acontecimientos finales de la Primera Guerra Mundial y los efectos que estos provocaron en un país neutral como España a lo largo de la segunda mitad de 1918. Este estudio se hará a través del enfoque periodístico de una revista aliadófila, Los Aliados, que en su momento se creó no solo como respuesta a los ambientes germanófilos -en su mayoría reunidos en torno a la revista Renovación Española-, sino también como núcleo intelectual comprometido con una paz democrática de claros matices wilsonianos. Lo que nos demostrará que, pese a su neutralidad, España permaneció muy atenta al desarrollo del conflicto y comprometida con un debate que con el tiempo proporcionó las condiciones de su futura adhesión a la Sociedad de Naciones. A este respecto, observaremos que la propaganda jugó un papel fundamental en este avance político, debido a la publicación -precisamente en Los Aliados- de una ingente cantidad de material propagandístico proveniente en su mayoría desde el exterior, originando a su vez la base y el filtro informativo más cercano a las posturas aliadófilas. ; En aquest article es pretén analitzar alguns dels esdeveniments finals de la Primera Guerra Mundial i els efectes que aquests van provocar en un país neutral com Espanya al llarg de la segona meitat de 1918. Aquest estudi es farà a través de l'enfocament periodístic d'una revista aliadòfila, Los Aliados, que al seu moment es va crear no solament com a resposta als ambients germanòfils -en la seva majoria reunits entorn de la revista Renovación Española-, sinó també com a nucli intel·lectual compromès amb una pau democràtica de clars matisos wilsonians. El que ens demostrarà que, malgrat la seva neutralitat, Espanya va romandre molt atenta al desenvolupament del conflicte i compromesa amb un debat que amb el temps va proporcionar les condicions de la seva futura adhesió a la Societat de Nacions. Quant a això, observarem que la propaganda va jugar un paper fonamental en aquest avanç polític, a causa de la publicació -precisament a Los Aliados- d'una ingent quantitat de material propagandístic provinent en la seva majoria des de l'exterior, originant al seu torn la base i el filtre informatiu més proper a les postures aliadòfiles. ; This paper aims to analyze some of the most important final events of the First World War and the effects they produced on a neutral country as Spain was during the second half of 1918. This study has been done through the journalistic approach of a pro Allies voice journal, Los Aliados. This journal was created to develop not only a sort of response to Renovación Española (pro Germans Spanish review), but also the principal intellectual-core committed to a democratic proposal based on Wilson's plan for peace.This fact will explain the attention Spanish Kingdom deserved to the development of the war and to the discussion for the creation of the future League of Nations, despite its official neutrality. Meanwhile we will analyze how much influence propaganda had over this political breakthrough thanks to the publication of a big amount of propaganda material from abroad published on Los Aliados. Finally, this also produced the pretext to carry out the Entente project during the final term of war.
During the last decades of the XX century, Latin American countries experienced significant decentralization processes in terms of administrative, political and fiscal affairs. More recently, however, national executives in many countries in the region encouraged recentralization policies with the goal of regaining prerrogatives and responsibilities. The goal of this article is to study this recentralization trend, building on the literature that during the last years has attempted to explain these recentralization dynamics. Three hypothesis can be derived from those works in order to identify the reasons behind recentralization. According to these hypothesis, recentralization could be the result of the existence of unified government, the consequence of a stabilized economy after a hyperinflationary crisis or the result of national executive's intention to punish subnational government controlled by the opposition. A fourth additional hypothesis states that recentralization can emerge as a result of the imposibility of subnational governments to deliver those services previously decentralized. Taking into account this conceptual framework the article analizes some recent recentralization measures observed nowadays in Mexico in relation to the education sector. ; Durante las últimas décadas del siglo XX los países de América Latina experimentaron profundos procesos de descentralización en aspectos administrativos, políticos y fiscales. Más recientemente, sin embargo, los ejecutivos nacionales en varios países de la región han impulsado políticas de recentralización con la intención de recuperar prerrogativas y responsabilidades. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar estas dinámicas de la recentralización, considerando la creciente literatura que en los últimos años ha proliferado para explicar dichos procesos. Con base en dichos trabajos se identifican tres hipótesis que permiten explicar la recentralización. De acuerdo con dichas hipótesis estaría motivada, respectivamente, por existencia de gobierno unificado, por la estabilización de la economía luego de una crisis hiperinflacionaria o por la intención de ejecutivo federal de castigar a gobiernos subnacionales controlados por la oposición. A estas se podría agregar una cuarta, que propone a la recentralización como una respuesta frente a la incapacidad de los gobiernos subnacionales de prestar correctamente los servicios que le fueron transferidos. Con base en este marco se analiza el reciente proceso recentralizador observado actualmente en el sector educativo en México. ; Durante as últimas décadas do século XX os países da América Latina experimentaram uma profunda descentralização em aspectos administrativos, políticos e fiscais. Mais recentemente, no entanto, os executivos nacionais em vários países da região têm impulsionado políticas de recentralização com a intenção de recuperar as prerrogativas e responsabilidades. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar essas dinâmicas de recentralização, considerando a crescente literatura que nos últimos anos tem proliferado para, assim, explicar esses processos. Com base nestes trabalhos, identificam-se três hipóteses que possibilitam explicar a recentralização. De acordo com estas hipóteses ela estaria motivada, respetivamente, pela existência de um governo unificado, pela estabilidade da economia após uma crise hiperinflacionária ou pela intenção do executivo federal de castigar governos subnacionais controlados pela oposição. Também podese adicionar uma quarta, que propõe a recentralização como uma resposta à incapacidade dos governos subnacionais para fornecer adequadamente os serviços que lhes foram transferidos. Com base neste quadro, analisa-se o recente processo recentralizador observado atualmente no setor educacional do México.
There are transcendental matters within national context of value to the Colombian university, forced internal displacement by violence is one of great importance, however, it found -in this research that the treatment is given within the Constitutional Court, throws into question the ability to justify from the doctrine of law the sense of its judgment on this particular issue; therefore it's imperative to the Colombian university begins to inquire from matters such as ius-theory, the fundamentals that suffer in the statements uttered the Court, reinterpreting the contributions to the issue can give great writers of contemporary legal thought, as those made by the American jurist Ronald Dworkin, who despite not having written for a legal or political as the Colombian context may substantially account for the role of the social rule of law in their obligation to victims of forced displacement, achieving explain judges and lawyers in an educational thought in which the Court is involved when talking repair and recognition for these people. ; Existen asuntos trascendentales dentro del contexto nacional de valor para la universidad colombiana, el desplazamiento forzado interno por la violencia es uno de suma importancia, sin embargo, se ha encontrado -en esta investigación- que el tratamiento que se le da al interior de la Corte Constitucional, deja en entredicho la capacidad que tiene para justificar desde la doctrina del derecho el sentido de sus fallos sobre este tema en particular; por tanto es imperioso que la universidad colombiana empiece a indagar desde materias como la iusteoría, los fundamentos que adolecen en las sentencias que profiere la Corte, reinterpretando los aportes que para el tema pueden dar grandes autores del pensamiento jurídico contemporáneo, como aquellos hechos por el jurista norteamericano Ronald Dworkin, quien pese a no haber escrito para un contexto jurídico ni político como el colombiano, sustancialmente puede dar cuenta del papel que juega el Estado social de derecho en cuanto a su obligación con personas víctimas de desplazamiento forzado, logrando explicar a jueces y abogados de forma didáctica el pensamiento en el cual está inmersa la Corte cuando habla de reparación y reconocimiento para estas personas. ; Há assuntos transcendentais dentro do contexto nacional de valor para a universidade colombiana, deslocamento forçado interno, a violência é um dos extrema importância, no entanto, -em esta investigação constatou que o tratamento é dado no âmbito do Tribunal Constitucional, põe em causa a capacidade de justificar à direita da doutrina do sentido de governar sobre esta questão em particular; Portanto, é imperativo que a universidade colombiana começa a investigar sobre temas como iusteoría, os fundamentos que sofrem nas declarações proferidas no Tribunal, reinterpretando as contribuições para o assunto pode dar grandes autores do pensamento jurídico contemporâneo, como os feitos pela jurista americano Ronald Dworkin, que apesar de não ter escrito para uma jurídico ou político como o contexto colombiano pode substancialmente representam o papel do Estado Social de Direito em termos de sua obrigação de vítimas do deslocamento forçado, conseguindo explicar aos juízes e os advogados em um pensamento educacional em que o Tribunal está envolvido quando se fala de reparação e reconhecimento para essas pessoas.
Sur le plan mondial, au cours des vingt dernières années, la production annuelle de poissons d'élevage est passée de moins de 9 millions de tonnes à près de 40 millions de tonnes. Pendant la même période, les captures de la pêche dans leur ensemble sont restées stables à environ 75 millions de tonnes. La pisciculture contribue ainsi à près de 50 % de l'apport de poisson à la consommation humaine : près de 8 kg/individu/an. Mais, sur le plan de l'apport nutritionnel dans l'alimentation de l'homme, la contribution des poissons reste très marginale, quel que soit le continent. Ainsi, les poissons représentent moins de 2 % de l'apport calorique moyen journalier de 2 880 cal/habitant. Quant à la couverture des besoins protéiques de l'homme (environ 23 kg/hab/an), si, dans certains pays, les poissons contribuent jusqu'à 50 % de l'apport protéique d'origine animale, en Europe, cette contribution n'est que de l'ordre de 7 %. Bien que la valeur nutritionnelle du poisson soit bien reconnue, sa contribution réelle à la couverture des besoins en acides gras longs polyinsaturés (EPA+DHA), qui est de l'ordre de 3 g/habitant/semaine, est également très faible. À l'horizon 2030, on estime que la demande serait de l'ordre de 165 millions de tonnes de produits d'origine aquatique par an, demande qui ne peut être couverte sans l'aquaculture. Pour le développement ou la diversification de la pisciculture, l'amélioration de l'efficacité de l'utilisation des ressources (génétiques, alimentaires, environnementales, humaines…) reste un enjeu majeur. Sur le plan national, voire européen, l'engagement des professionnels et l'interaction avec la recherche sont bien réels et le progrès accompli est considérable. Néanmoins, quantitativement, la pisciculture française ou européenne reste faible malgré un fort potentiel. Seule manque sans doute une volonté politique ? ; Farmed fish contributes to nearly 50% of the intake of seafood for human consumption : about 8 kg per capita per annum. Still, in terms of nutrient intake in the diet of humans, the contribution of aquacultural products remains relatively marginal, regardless of the continent. Hence, fish represent less than 2% in the daily average intake of 2,880 calories. As for meeting the annual protein needs of humans (about 23 kg per capita), in some countries, fish indeed contributes up to 50% of the protein of animal origin. In Europe, however, the contribution of aquacultural products is only 7%. Although the nutritional value of fish is well recognized, its actual contribution to supplying the needs in long polyunsaturated fatty acids (EPA + DHA, in the order of 3 g/week) is also very low. By 2030, it is estimated that the annual demands will be in the order of 165 million tons of fish, which can only be met by fish farming. For the development or diversification of fish farming, the improvement of the efficiency of utilisation of resources (genetic, dietary, environmental, human, etc.), remains a major challenge. At the national or the European levels, there is a real commitment of the fish farming sector with a close interaction with research, and the progress being made is remarkable. Although endowed with a huge potential, quantitatively, the French and/or the European fish farming sector remains small. There is definitely a need for a strong political will to consolidate the sector.
The first part of this paper provides some empirical evidence on the patterns of growth in countries hit by the banking crisis. Specifically, we examine whether the banking crisis accompanies changes in medium or long term growth rates and, if so, whether the changes in growth are mainly driven by the changes in TFPG or by the changes in the pace of input accumulation. It is found that per worker GDP growth lacks persistency over the banking crises, suggesting that high-growth countries could become low-growth countries, and vice versa, as they go through the crises. Growth accounting exercise shows that the changes in growth are mainly driven by the changes in TFPG. This conclusion holds regardless of whether we view that the changes in capital stock are induced by the changes in total factor productivity or not. The implications are as follows. First, although predicting post-crisis growth based on pre-crisis growth might not be easy, it might be more fruitful to direct research efforts to understanding why TFPG changes, rather than why the pace of input accumulation changes, in order to understand post-crisis growth outcome. Second, the policies that are important in determining post-crisis growth outcome are likely to be the ones that can explain the changes in medium or long term TFPG. Viewed in this way, the findings of this paper seem at least consistent with the hypothesis that structural reforms matter in post-crisis growth. The second part of the paper focuses on bankruptcy policy among the potentially important determinants of TFPG in Korea. Specifically, we attempt to examine empirically the effect of the post-crisis bankruptcy policy reform on the efficiency in resource allocation. In the analysis, we focus on the policy reform in the court-administered bankruptcy system. By using firm-level data, the paper shows that the post-crisis reform on the courtadministered bankruptcy system made economic efficiency criterion replace social or political criterion in selecting target firms for rehabilitation procedures. This kind of change in the way the court-administered bankruptcy system works has far-reaching consequences. It is because, for the pre-bankruptcy informal arrangements, one of the most effective disciplines comes from the discipline in the court-administered bankruptcy procedures. Except for the small-sized firms with simple capital structure, the court-administered bankruptcy procedures would be usually the last stages for ailing firms to resort to if the interested parties could not agree on the pre-bankruptcy informal arrangements for corporate restructuring. Therefore, in out-of-court administered settlements, the interested parties' incentives would be directly affected by the structure of court-administered bankruptcy settlements. Although this paper focused exclusively on bankruptcy policy reform as one determinant of post-crisis TFPG performance, there might also be other important policies or institutional factors that are potentially important for understanding movements of TFPG. In this sense, it is still premature to make a bold prediction about post-crisis growth in Korea. With this caveat in mind, we believe one should not overlook the important changes in the area of bankruptcy policy after the crisis when projecting the future growth of the Korean economy. Lastly we should bear in mind that the full-fledged effect of the bankruptcy policy reform is likely to be realized over the longer run, in as much as the bankruptcy policy affects the dynamic efficiency of resource reallocation.
El trabajo aborda el papel que han desempeñado las sociedades geográficas a principios de la década de los años veinte, a través del análisis del proceso de conformación en Argentina de la Sociedad Argentina de Estudios Geográficos. Más allá de los propósitos explícitos, existieron una serie de objetivos implícitos vinculados a la función política atribuida a la geografía como conocimiento formador en los valores nacionales. Fueron estos objetivos que conllevaron a la renovación de los programas de estudio de la geografía en la enseñanza secundaria y primaria, en el momento de auge de los movimientos nacionalistas en Argentina. Desde nuestra interpretación, la Sociedad Argentina de Estudios Geográficos cumplió un importante rol en la difusión de un proyecto disciplinario que buscaba «modernizar» los contenidos impartidos por la geografía en la escuela a través de una estrategia epistemológica de carácter cientificista. ; El treball aborda el paper dut a terme per les societats geogràfiques a començaments de la dècada dels anys vint, a través de l'anàlisi del procés de conformació a l'Argentina de la Societat Argentina d'Estudis Geogràfics. Més enllà dels propòsits explícits, existiren una sèrie d'objectius implícits vinculats a la funció política atribuïda a la geografia com a coneixement formador en els valors nacionals. Foren aquests objectius els qui comportaren la renovació dels programes d'estudi de la geografia dins de l'ensenyament secundari i primari, en el moment d'apogeu dels moviments nacionalistes a l'Argentina. Des de la nostra interpretació, la Societat Argentina d'Estudis Geogràfics acomplí un paper important en la difusió d'un projecte disciplinari que cercava «modernitzar» els continguts transmesos per la geografia a l'escola a través d'una estratègia epistemològica de caràcter cientificista. ; Ce travail parle du rôle joué par les sociétés géographiques au début des années 20, à travers l'analyse du processus de formation en Argentine de la Société Argentine d'Études Géographiques. Au-delà des desseins explicites, il a eu aussi une série d'objectifs implicites liés au rôle politique attribué à la Géographie comme le savoir qui aiderai à développer les valeurs nationales. Ce sont ces objectifs qui ont mené à renouveller les programmes de la géographie dans l'enseigement secondaire et primaire, en plein essor des mouvements nationalistes en Argentine. À notre point de vue, la Société Argentine d'Études Géographiques a accompli un rôle très important dans la diffusion d'un projet disciplinaire, qui cherchait à «moderniser» les contenus enseignés par la géographie à l'école grâce à une stratégie épistemologique à caractère scientifiste. ; The paper deals with the role played by geographical societies in the early 1920's, analysing in particular, the development of the Argentinian Society for Geographical Studies. Over and above the explicit objectives, there were a series of implicit goals linked to the political function that was attributed to geography in contributing to the shaping of national values. It was these objectives that led to the renovation of geography curriculums in elementary and secondary schools, simultaneous to the rise of nationalist movements in Argentina. In our opinion, the Argentinian Society of Geographical Studies played an important role in the diffusion of a new programme within the discipline, which sought to «modernize» the content of geography teaching in schools, using an epistemological strategy of a scientific nature.
SUMMARY The core‐periphery frame of analysis gives useful insights into Anglo‐Irish relations during the four centuries of the rise and decline of the British empire. The emigration from the Irish periphery of almost half those surviving to maturity has been the dominant feature of the relationship for 135 years. Emigration on this scale has created in southern Ireland a political void within which the institutional framework has petrified, leaving it ill‐fitted to cope with the situation created by the ending of empire. With Britain itself now peripheralised, massive emigration from Ireland is no longer possible, and a population that declined for over a century is now growing more rapidly than that of any other European country. Numbers at work, meanwhile, continue their 135 year‐old decline. The failure of half the population to get a livelihood in the Irish periphery underlies catholic/protestant strife in the north.RESUME La périphérie irlandaise de la Grande‐BretagneLe système d'analyse en termes de noyau‐périphérie fournit des aperçus utiles sur les relations anglo‐irlandaises pendant les quatre siècles de l'essor et du déclin de l'empire britannique. L'émigration hors de la périphérie irlandaise de près de la moitié de tous ceux qui atteignent l'age adulte constitue la principale caractéristique des relations depuis 135 ans. L'émigration à une telle échelle a créé dans le sud de l'Irlande un vide politique à l'intérieur duquel il s'est produit une pétrification du cadre institutionnel, laissant le pays guère apte à faire face à la situation créé par le démantèlement de l'empire. Etant donné que la Grande‐Bretagne appartient elle‐même à la périphérie à l'heure actuelle, l'émigration en masse hors de l'Irlande n'est plus possible, et une population en baisse pendant plus d'un siècle, est en train de se multiplier à présent plus rapidement que celle de tout autre pays d'Europe. La proportion de travailleurs, cependant, continue le mouvement de déclin, vieux de 135 ans. L'incapacité de la moitié de la population de gagner leur vie dans la périphérie irlandaise est à la base du conflit entre catholiques et protestants dans le nord.RESUMEN La periferia irlandesa de la Gran BretañaLa dialéctica centro‐periferia permite analizar mejor de las relaciones anglo‐irlandesas durante los cuatro siglos que vieron el nacimiento y la decadencia del Imperio Británico. La emigración de la periferia irlandesa por parte de casi la mitad de los que llegaban a la edad adulta ha sido el rasgo dominante de estas relaciones durante 135 años. Esta emigración tan importante ha creado en el Sur de Irlanda un vacío político que se ha fosilizado debido a la estructura institucional insuficiente para resolver la situación creada por la desaparición del imperio. Ahora, que la propia Gran Bretaña se ha convertido también en periferia, ya no es posible la emigración en masa de Irlanda, de manera que la población que no dejó de descender durante prácticamente un siglo, crece actualmente con un índice más elevado que cualquier otro país europeo. Entretanto, la población activa sigue disminuyendo, como desde hace 135 años. El que la mitad de la población de la periferia irlandesa no haya conseguido crearse un medio de vida es una de las raíces del conflicto entre católicos y protestantes en el norte del país.
[eng] International relations can be reviewed from different perspectives. One of them is through culture. In general, a lecture and an analysis of it from this specific point of view has been neglected, attracting much less attention comparing to other issues, like the political science, the international law, or the economics. The cultural perspective offers a mirror of the reality and can contribute to a better understanding of the external relations and on what is happening at other levels, usually considered as more relevant in the foreign policies and the traditional diplomacy, like politics, trade and commerce, or military issues. At the same time, this cultural perspective needs a transversal focus to offer a real insight and overview of the actual scope, due to the multifaceted feature of culture considered in its broad approach. The international presence and the role of culture within the bilateral relations is conditioned by the definition of the external cultural policies and the priorities and strategies in its bilateral relations with third countries. Sometimes the external cultural policies can have a close link with the internal cultural policies as well, being a projection of the internal priorities in the international context. The institutional structure and the competences of the different institutions can also influence in the role of culture in the bilateral relations of a specific country. Aside of that, there are other relevant factors that can be determinant in the bilateral relations, like the historical background or the bilateral political and commercial relations, among others. Culture in the context of the international relations and cooperation between Europe and Egypt includes from the institutional level, the bilateral and multilateral relations of the European Union, and its 28 Member States at an individual level as well. Otherwise, some of these European countries have had a long presence during the colonialist period, maintain historical ties, or have economic interests in Egypt. Within this framework, the different cultural policies are embedded in the external actions of the bilateral cultural relations and cooperation, where the cultural projection is a component of the public diplomacy as a form of soft power. The present research has as primary objective to get a deep inside of the bilateral relations, and the identification of some quantitative indicators and qualitative aspects of the European bilateral relations from the public sector, and makes a detailed analysis of which is the present situation of culture in the context of the international relations with a strategic country of the Arab world like Egypt. Getting an insight into the different facts, parameters and indicators allows to identify the different exogenous and endogenous factors which can have a determinant role, jointly with the explicit and implicit objectives, and other elements to consider, including priorities, strategies, instruments and activities. Actions taken into consideration are those from the European Union, and some of its Member States, which are reviewed and compared in a systematic way. This research takes as case study five of the European countries, the most populated of the European Union, and several specific fields. It starts checking the way how each individual country is presenting its external cultural policy in the official web, and followed by the cultural bilateral relations with Egypt. Then it is verified the role of the national cultural institutes, the archaeological cooperation, the higher education, the research and scientific cooperation, the presence of culture in the cooperation to development and the media. Finally it is revised the European Union's cultural presence through actions and initiatives in Egypt, and checked how the individual cultural bilateral relations of the selected countries fit together with them. The result offers a broad and comprehensive perspective of the presence of culture in international relations and cooperation in the particular case of Egypt. The analysis carried out allows concluding an insufficiently structured place of culture in the European external relations and cooperation with Egypt, the missed coordination among the different actors involved, the individual interests, and some incoherencies as well. ; [cat] Les relacions internacionals poden ser examinades des de diferents perspectives. Una d'elles es des de la cultura. En general, una lectura i un anàlisi d'aquest punt de vista específic ha estat oblidat, i ha atret molta menys atenció comparat amb altres temes com són els temes polítics, el dret internacional o els econòmics. La perspectiva cultural ofereix un mirall on es reflexa la realitat, que pot contribuir a un millor enteniment de les relacions exteriors i sobre el que succeeix a altres nivells, normalment considerats com a més rellevants dins de la política exterior i la diplomàcia tradicional, com són els temes polítics, comercials o militars. Al mateix temps, aquesta perspectiva cultural necessita una mirada transversal per poder oferir una mirada profunda i al mateix temps global de la actual abast del tema, ja que abraça diferents àmbits de la cultura, que en aquest cas és considerada en la seva aproximació més amplia. La presència internacional i el rol de la cultura a les relacions bilaterals està condicionada per la definició de les polítiques culturals exteriors i de les prioritats i estratègies en les seves relacions bilaterals amb països tercers. De vegades les polítiques culturals externes poden tenir un vincle estret amb les polítiques culturals internes, sent una projecció de les prioritats internes en el context internacional. L'estructura institucional i les competències de les diferents institucions poden també tenir una influència en el rol de la cultura en les relacions bilaterals d'un país concret. A part d'això, hi ha altres factors rellevants que poden ser determinants de les relacions bilaterals, com són els antecedents històrics o les relacions bilaterals polítiques i comercials, entre d'altres. La cultura en el context de les relacions internacionals i la cooperació entre Europa i Egipte inclou des del punt institucional les relacions bilaterals i multilaterals de la Unió Europea, així com les dels seus 28 estats membres a nivell individual. Per altre banda, alguns d'aquests països europeus han tingut una llarga presència durant el període colonial, mantenen vincles històrics, o tenen interessos econòmics a Egipte. En aquest marc, les diferents polítiques culturals estan encaixades en les accions exteriors de les relacions culturals bilaterals i de la cooperació, on la projecció cultural és un component de la diplomàcia pública com a forma de soft power. La recerca té com a principal objectiu aprofundir sobre les relacions bilaterals, i la identificació d'alguns dels indicadors quantitatius i aspectes qualitatius de les relacions bilaterals des del sector públic, i fer un anàlisis detallat sobre quina és la situació present de la cultura en el context de les relacions internacional amb un país estratègic del món àrab com és Egipte. Aquest aprofundiment en els diferents factors, paràmetres i indicadors permet identificar els diferents factors exògens i endògens que poden ser determinants, juntament amb els objectius explícits i implícits, i altres aspectes que s'han de considerar, com les prioritats, estratègies, instruments, i activitats. Les accions que es prenen en consideració són les de la Unió Europea, i d'alguns dels seus estats membres, que són revisades i comparades d'una manera sistemàtica. Aquest treball agafa com a estudi de cas a Egipte, i també analitza a cinc països europeus, els cinc més poblats de la Unió Europea, i alguns dels camps culturals específics. Com a marc general es comença per veure la manera com cada un d'aquests països individuals presenta la seva política cultural exterior a les pàgines webs oficials, i es continua amb les relacions culturals bilaterals amb Egipte. Després es verifica el rol dels instituts nacionals de cultura, la cooperació arqueològica, l'educació universitària, la investigació i la cooperació científica, la presencia de la cultura a la cooperació al desenvolupament, i els media. Finalment es revisa la presencia cultural de la Unió Europea mitjançant les accions i les iniciatives a Egipte, i com les relacions culturals bilaterals individuals dels països seleccionats hi encaixen. El resultat ofereix una perspectiva àmplia i comprensiva de la presencia de la cultura a les relacions internacionals i la cooperació en aquest cas particular d'Egipte. L'anàlisi que s'ha portat a terme permet concloure que la cultura té un lloc insuficientment estructurat a les relacions exteriors europees amb Egipte, l'absència de coordinació entre els diferents actors involucrats, els interessos individuals, així com algunes incoherències. ; [spa] Las relaciones internacionales pueden ser examinadas desde diferentes perspectivas, una de ellas es desde la cultura. En general una lectura y un análisis desde este específico punto de vista ha sido dejado de lado, atrayendo mucha menos atención en comparación con otros temas, como las ciencias políticas, el derecho internacional, o la economía. La perspectiva cultural ofrece un espejo donde se refleja la realidad, y que puede contribuir a una mejor compresión de las relaciones exteriores y sobre lo que sucede a otros niveles normalmente considerados como más relevantes en las relaciones exteriores y la diplomacia tradicional, como son los temas políticos, de comercio internacional o los temas militares. Al mismo tiempo esta perspectiva cultural necesita un enfoque transversal para ofrecer una visión detallada y al mismo tiempo global para conocer su alcance real, debido al carácter multidisciplinar de la cultura, considerada en su amplia aproximación. La presencia internacional y el rol de la cultura en las relaciones bilaterales están condicionados por la definición de las políticas culturales exteriores, además de las prioridades y estrategias en las relaciones bilaterales con países terceros. Por otro lado, frecuentemente las políticas culturales exteriores pueden tener vínculos estrechos con las políticas culturales a nivel nacional, siendo una proyección de las prioridades internas en el contexto internacional. La estructura institucional y las competencias de las diferentes instituciones públicas también pueden influenciar en el rol de la cultura en las relaciones bilaterales de un determinado país. Además de ello, también hay otros factores relevantes que pueden determinar las relaciones bilaterales, como los antecedentes históricos o las relaciones bilaterales políticas y comerciales, entre otras. La cultura en el contexto de las relaciones internacionales y la cooperación entre Europa y Egipto incluye, a nivel institucional, las relaciones bilaterales y multilaterales de la Unión Europea, así como sus 28 estados miembros a nivel individual. Además de ello, algunos de estos países europeos han tenido un larga presencia durante el periodo colonial, mantienen lazos históricos, o tienen intereses económicos en Egipto. Dentro de este marco las diferentes políticas culturales se encuentran incluidas en las acciones exteriores de las relaciones culturales bilaterales y la cooperación, donde la proyección cultural es uno de los componentes de la diplomacia pública como una forma de soft power. La presente investigación tiene como principal objetivo profundizar en las relaciones bilaterales y la identificación de indicadores centrados en diversos aspectos cuantitativos y cualitativos de las relaciones bilaterales europeas desde el sector público, y analiza en detalle sobre cuál es la situación presente de la cultural en el contexto de las relaciones internacionales con un país estratégico del mundo árabe como es Egipto. Esta profundización de los diferentes factores, parámetros y indicadores permite identificar los diferentes factores exógenos y endógenos que tienen un rol determinante, juntamente con los objetivos explícito se implícitos, y otros elementos que se deben considerar como son las prioridades, las estrategias, instrumentos y actividades culturales. Las acciones consideradas son las de la Unión Europea y las de algunos de sus estados miembros, la cuales son revisadas y comparadas de forma sistemática. Esta investigación se centra en el estudio de case de cinco países europeos, los cinco estados miembros de la Unión Europea más poblados, y en diferentes campos específicos. Se inicia supervisando la forma como cada país individualmente presenta su política cultural exterior en sus páginas web oficiales, seguido por una revisión de las relaciones culturales bilaterales con Egipto. Luego en diferentes capítulos se verifica el rol de los centros culturales nacionales, la cooperación arqueológica, la educación universitaria, la investigación y la cooperación científica, la presencia de la cultura en la cooperación al desarrollo, y los media. Finalmente se analiza la presencia cultural de la Unión Europea en Egipto a través de diferentes acciones e iniciativas, y como las relaciones culturales bilaterales de los países europeos seleccionados encajan con ellas. El resultado obtenido ofrece una amplia y comprensiva perspectiva sobre cuál es la presencia de la cultura en las relaciones internacionales y la cooperación en el caso particular de Egipto. El análisis llevado a cabo permite concluir un lugar insuficientemente estructurado de la cultura en las relaciones exteriores europeas con Egipto, la falta de coordinación entre los diferentes actores involucrados, los intereses individuales, así como algunas incoherencias.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Blogbetreiber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie einen Blog Beitrag zitieren möchten.
It's easy to forget now, but the shocking and horrific violence that set off the current hostilities in the Middle East, where Hamas militants slaughtered and kidnapped innocent Israeli civilians, was predicted. Specifically, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security under Donald Trump warned in October 2020 that terrorist violence was set to be imminently inflamed. Trump's DHS didn't claim it was because, in President Joe Biden words, of "sheer evil" from those who exist only "to kill Jews." Rather, it pointed to the Abraham Accords: the U.S.-led effort to normalize relations between Israel and its Arab neighbors, which Trump claimed would shift the course of Middle Eastern history from "decades of division and conflict" and which the Biden administration claimed would make the region "safer and more prosperous." So how did we end up with the exact opposite? For decades, the peaceful resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, meaning the provision of an independent state for the Palestinian people and the end of Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory, was central to the task of engineering peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. This was a problem, since between successive Israeli governments steadily chipping away at the possibility of a two-state solution to the conflict and dwindling U.S. interest in pressuring the Israeli state to follow through on the commitment, that resolution started to look increasingly impossible. But over time, the priorities of the Arab states shifted away from the Palestinians, too. Their largely authoritarian leadership became more preoccupied with matters like maintaining political control in the wake of the Arab Spring protests — for which support from an advanced military power like Israel might prove useful — and an increasingly assertive Iran, which then-newly appointed Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman called a "much more urgent and more important" issue. This shift dovetailed with the Trump administration's ultra-Israel-friendly stance and its own goal of further isolating Iran in the region. The resulting Abraham Accords were, at least in the neoconservative world, considered a stroke of "genius." Rather than finding a solution to the seemingly intractable question of Palestinian statehood, it simply sidelined it. The signers dropped this long-standing precondition as they re-established diplomatic relations and deepened security and economic cooperation with Israel, while Trump lavished them with rewards, like an arms deal for the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and U.S. recognition of the annexation of West Sahara for Morocco. It effectively supplanted the Saudi government's Arab Peace Initiative, which since its 2002 introduction had been the foundation of the Arab world's program for resolving the conflict, placing the Palestinians front and center. The new normalization agreements' foundational and cynical assumption was that the plight of the Palestinians could and would be safely ignored and forgotten about by both the region's governments and the broader international community. Both the Trump administration and, reportedly, bin Salman, pressured Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to assent, while the states that signed continued paying lip service to the Palestinian cause, claiming this normalization push would halt Israel's annexation plans for its illegal West Bank settlements. In reality, the text of the agreements barely mentioned Palestinians, outside of a few vague assurances to keep working toward a negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and that Morocco maintained a "coherent, constant and unchanged position" on the matter. This was, to put it mildly, far short of what both Palestinians and their supporters in the U.S. Congress demanded. As Arab states began gradually deepening ties with Israel, they increasingly backed away from their historic positions. Bin Salman declared (and subsequently walked back) that Israelis "have the right to have their own land," effectively sanctioning the loss of what the Muslim world viewed as Palestinians' historic land. When violence broke out in April 2021 at the Al-Aqsa mosque, with Israeli forces raiding one of Islam's holiest sites, the UAE response was notably muted. That the normalization process continued despite what would earlier have been viewed as an unacceptable provocation against both Palestinians and Islam itself was celebrated by the accords' supporters, as proof that ongoing repression of Palestinians could indeed be safely ignored. But the Palestinian issue could not simply be wished away, and the signing of the pacts created a set of contradictions that fueled the tensions that erupted October 7. The vast majority of the populations of Israel's Arab neighbors opposed the accords, as did some leaders, like Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, who charged that the signers had "lost their moral compass," and Jordan's King Abdullah, who declared that "no architecture for regional security and development can stand over the burning ashes of this conflict." So did Palestinians themselves, across opinion surveys, with both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas calling it a "betrayal," a "treacherous stab," and "grave harm." Hamas also called for "an integrated plan to bring down normalization." Protests against the accords erupted in Morocco, one of the signers. The signing of the Accords was particularly fraught in Saudi Arabia. The country's powerful clerics continued to oppose Israeli policy toward the Palestinians. But beyond that, the Saudi leadership's internal legitimacy and its standing as the region's leader of the Islamic continued to rest in part on its commitment to the Palestinians. Regional rival Iran quickly stepped in to fill this vacuum left by Saudi support for the deals, sharply criticizing the normalization effort as a "betrayal of Palestinian aspirations for freedom." Meanwhile, Israeli policy didn't change as promised, and in fact, only hardened. Since 2020, when the accords were signed, illegal settlements have expanded and even ramped up alongside settler violence. The Netanyahu government has now advanced a record number of settler housing units, and transferred administration of the occupied territories from military to civilian hands, widely interpreted as signaling plans for annexation, even as figures like former Abbas adviser Ghaith al-Omari claimed the accords had "already delivered to the Palestinians" by stopping this policy. This past September, the UAE's ambassador to the United States admitted annexation hadn't actually stopped. The Biden administration could have reversed Trump's efforts, and placed pressure on Israel to halt these plans, as well as end its settlement expansion while making good on its promises and obligations under the peace process. Instead, the president continued Trump's normalization efforts while breaking from presidential precedent and not even attempting to advance the peace process, all while issuing little to no criticism of the Israeli government's violations. He has in fact escalated the issue, pushing for an Israeli-Saudi normalization agreement, with the only concession to Palestinians the mere preservation of the possibility of Israeli-Palestinian peace — an agreement that would also entail further nuclear proliferation in the region and giving Saudi Arabia security assurances. Even so, Biden's secretary of state continues to claim that this could "be used to advance" such a peace. So while Hamas had reportedly planned this operation for two years, and claimed it was motivated by years of violence at Al-Aqsa, its attack also can't be understood without the bipartisan push for Israeli-Arab normalization at the Palestinians' expense, and the outrage, anger, and despair it has inspired.What is clear — from Hamas's extraordinary violence, the wider regional war it threatens to spark, as well as the major pro-Palestinian protests across Arab countries in response to Israel's bombing campaign — is that almost every assumption that undergirded the Abraham Accords was disastrously wrong, not least the idea that dismissing the Palestinians would make for a more peaceful Middle East.
The article reads The Handmaid's Tale and The Testaments as a response to changes in the feminist movement. Less radical than their mothers' generation, second-wave feminists' daughters often abandoned the struggle for equality and focused on homemaking. Nevertheless, the 1990s saw a resurgence of the women's liberation movement known as the third wave. These feminism(s) significantly redefined the notion of womanhood and emphasised the diversity of the female. After 2010, critics argue, third-wave feminism entered the fourth wave. This analysis of The Handmaid's Tale focuses on Offred's relationship with her mother, which is representative of the wider phenomenon of the Backlash. It investigates how the mother and her generation influenced the maternal choices of the Handmaid and discusses the trauma of child removal suffered by Offred. The final section examines The Testaments through the lens of third-wave feminism and analyzes the plight of Offred's daughters, focusing on their attitudes towards womanhood and maternity. ; Članek obravnava romana Deklina zgodba in Testamenti kot odziv na spremembe v feminističnem gibanju. Hčere feministk drugega vala, ki so bile manj radikalne kot njihove matere, so pogosto opustile boj za enakost in se osredotočile na gospodinjstvo. Kljub temu smo bili v devetdesetih letih dvajsetega stoletja priča ponovni oživitvi ženskega osvobodilnega gibanja, ki ga imenujemo tretji val feminizma. Ti feminizmi so bistveno preoblikovali idejo ženskosti in poudarili raznovrstnost žensk. Kritiki trdijo, da je po letu 2010 tretji val feminizma vstopil v četrti val. Ta analiza romana Deklina zgodba se osredotoča na Offredin odnos s svojo materjo, ki je reprezentativen za širši pojav Nasprotovanja. Preiskuje, kako sta mati in njena generacija vplivali na odločitve o materinstvu Dekel in obravnava travmo premestitve otroka, ki jo je trpela Offred. Zadnji del preučuje roman Testamenti skozi prizmo tretjega vala feminizma in analizira težek položaj Offredinih hčera ter se osredotoča na njun odnos do ženskosti in materinstva. ; e.feldman@uwb.edu.pl ; University of Białystok, Poland ; Alford, Allison M., and Meredith Marko Harrigan. 2019. "Role Expectations and Role Evaluations in Daughtering: Constructing the Good Daughter." Journal of Family Communication 19 (4): 348–61. https://doi.org/10.1080/15267431.2019.1643352. ; Allit, Patrick. 2016. "Phyllis Schlafly: American feminism's great anti-heroine." The Spectator, September 10, 2016. https://www.spectator.co.uk/article/death-of-an-anti-feminist. ; Atwood, Margaret. (1985) 1987. The Handmaid's Tale. London: Virago Press. ; —. 2019a. The Testaments. London: Chatto & Windus. ; —. 2019b. "Margaret Atwood: For a long time we were moving away from Gilead." Interview by Lisa Allardice. The Guardian, September 20, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/sep/20/margaret-atwood-moving-away-from-gilead-testaments. ; Badinter, Elisabeth. 2011. The Conflict. How Modern Motherhood Undermines the Status of Women. Translated by Adriana Hunter. New York: Metropolitan Books. ; Barzilai, Shuli. 2005. "The Bluebeard Syndrome in Atwood's Lady Oracle: Fear and Femininity." Marvels & Tales 19 (2): 249–73. ; Bloom, Harold. 2004. Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale: Bloom's Guides. New York: Chelsea House. ; Bouson, J. Brooks. 1993. "The Misogyny of Patriarchal Culture in The Handmaid's Tale." In Brutal Choreographies: Oppositional Strategies and Narrative Design in the Novels of Margaret Atwood, 135–58. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press. ; Boyd, Carol J. 1989. "Mothers and Daughters: A Discussion of Theory and Research." Journal of Marriage and Family 51 (2): 291–301. https://doi.org/10.2307/352493. ; Braithwaite, Ann. 2002. "The personal, the political, third-wave and postfeminisms." Feminist Theory 3 (3): 335–44. https://doi.org/10.1177%2F146470002762492033. ; Brans, Jo. 2006. "Using What You're Given." In Waltzing Again: New and Selected Conversations with Margaret Atwood, edited by Earl G. Ingersoll, 79–89. Princeton, NJ: Ontario Review Press. ; Budgeon, Shelley. 2011a. Third Wave Feminism and the Politics of Gender in Late Modernity. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; —. 2011b. "The Contradictions of Successful Femininity: Third-Wave Feminism, Postfeminism and 'New' Femininities." In New Femininities: Postfeminism, Neoliberalism and Subjectivity, edited by Rosalind Gill and Christina Scharff, 279–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Chamberlain, Prudence. 2017. The Feminist Fourth Wave: Affective Temporality. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Chodorow, Nancy J. 1999. The Reproduction of Mothering. Berkeley: University of California Press. ; Chodorow, Nancy J., and Susan Contratto. 1989. "The Fantasy of the Perfect Mother." In Feminism and Psychoanalytic Theory, edited by Nancy J. Chodorow, 79–96. New Haven: Yale University Press. ; Cixous, Hélène. 1976. "The Laugh of the Medusa." Translated by Keith and Paula Cohen. Signs 1 (4): 875–93. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3173239. ; Dicker, Rory, and Alison Piepmeier. 2003. "Introduction." In Catching a Wave: Reclaiming Feminism for the 21st Century, edited by R. Dicker and A. Piepmeier, 3–28. Boston: Northeastern University Press. ; Ducret, Diane. 2016. Zakazane ciało. Historia męskiej obsesji. Kraków: Znak Horyzont. ; Enright, Anne. 2019. "The Testaments by Margaret Atwood review: A dazzling follow-up to The Handmaid's Tale." The Guardian, September 10, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/books/2019/sep/10/thetestaments-by-margaret-atwood-review. ; Evans, Elizabeth. 2015. The Politics of Third Wave Feminisms: Neoliberalism, Intersectionality, and the State in Britain and the US. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Faludi, Susan. 2006. Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women. New York: Three Rivers Press. ; Gamble, Sarah. 2006. "Postfeminism." In The Routledge Companion to Feminism and Postfeminism, edited by Sarah Gamble, 36–45. New York: Routledge. ; Hall, Christopher. 2011. "Beyond Kübler-Ross: Recent developments in our understanding of grief and bereavement." InPsych 33 (6). https://www.psychology.org.au/formembers/publications/inpsych/2011/dec/Beyond-Kubler-Ross-Recent-developments-in-our-und. ; Hall, Judy. 2003. The Crystal Bible. Cincinnati: Walking Stick Press. ; Heywood, Leslie, and Jennifer Drake. 1997. "Introduction." In Third Wave Agenda: Being Feminist, Doing Feminism, edited by Leslie Heywood and Jennifer Drake, 1–20. Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press. ; Hogsette, David S. 1997. "Margaret Atwood's Rhetorical Epilogue in The Handmaid's Tale: The Reader's Role in Empowering Offred's Speech Act." Critique: Studies in Contemporary Fiction 38 (4): 262–78. ; Howells, Coral Ann. 1996. Margaret Atwood. London: Macmillan Press. ; —. 2005. Margaret Atwood. Second Ed. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Irigaray, Luce. 1991. "The Bodily Encounter with the Mother." In The Irigaray Reader, edited by Margaret Whitford, 34–46. Translated by David Macey. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. ; Jung, Carl Gustav. 1980. The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious. Collected Works. Volume 9 Part I. Translated by G. Adler and R.F.C. Hull. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ; Malak, Amin. 1987. "Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale and the Dystopian Tradition." Canadian Literature 112: 9–15. ; McNally, Richard J. 2005. "Debunking Myths about Trauma and Memory." Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 50 (13): 817–22. https://doi.org/10.1177/070674370505001302. ; Miller, Eric C. 2015. "Phyllis Schlafly's 'Positive' Freedom: Liberty, Liberation, and the Equal Rights Amendment." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 18 (2): 277–300. ; Neuman, Shirley. 2006. "'Just a Backlash': Margaret Atwood, Feminism, and The Handmaid's Tale." University of Toronto Quarterly 75 (3): 857–68. https://doi.org/10.1353/utq.2006.0260. ; Rivers, Nicola. 2017. Postfeminism(s) and the Arrival of the Fourth Wave. Turning Tides. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Rossi, Alice S. 1977. "A Biosocial Perspective on Parenting." Daedalus 106 (2): 1–31. ; Schlafly, Phyllis. 2003. "The Positive Woman Knows Who She Is." In The Columbia Documentary History of American Women Since 1941, edited by Harriet Sigerman. 323–25. New York: Columbia University Press. ; Tolan, Fiona. 2005. "Feminist Utopias and Questions of Liberty: Margaret Atwood's The Handmaid's Tale as Critique of Second Wave Feminism." Women: A cultural review 16 (1): 18–32. ; —. 2007. Margaret Atwood: Feminism and Fiction. Amsterdam & New York: Rodopi. ; Winch, Alison. 2013. Girlfriends and Postfeminist Sisterhood. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Wolf, Naomi. 2003. Misconceptions. Truth, Lies, and the Unexpected on the Journey to Motherhood. New York: Anchor Books. ; 67 ; 85
The causes of historical climate changes are a continuing subject of heated discussions, in which political and economical aspects often dominate over the climatological facts. Although it seems indisputable that the discussed changes are a reality, the basic controversy concerns the influence of human activity on their magnitude. Geologists have entered into the discussion relatively late, but they have clearly widened the range of the discussion by the addition of climate changes recorded in various Phanerozoic successions. The present book perfectly fits in the mainstream of this discussion.The attractive book title, suggesting analysis of climate throughout the Palaeozoic, does not correspond very accurately to its content. In fact, the book focuses on the climatic changes only of the Late Palaeozoic, particularly those which occurred during the last 100 Ma of the Carboniferous and the Permian. This was really a very specific period of Earth's history; comprising a geographically extensive and longlasting glaciation followed by a time of dry and hot climate. Simultaneously, geotectonical processes led to numerous changes of continent configurations and sea level, and finally to the greatest mass extinction in Phanerozoic history. There are numerous and readily recognizable indirect indications of Earth's climate changes in the stratigraphic record of the interval under discussion.The book came about from the palaeoclimatic session held at the European Geosiences Union General Assembly Conference in Vienna (2011) and includes 22 papers. As usual, in the case of such sets of papers, their correspondence with the main subject of the book is variable. In a few cases, the main subject of the paper is strictly sedimentological, stratigraphical or regional, and any climatic aspects seem to have been added as an afterthought. However, such papers are the exception, and most of the papers concentrate largely on discussion of past climate changes. All of the papers are grouped formally in five chapters but they can actually be classified into three main topics: general remarks on the Late Palaeozoic climate, stratigraphy and palaeogeography; Carboniferous case studies; and Permian case studies. Incidentally, the book editors were not particularly attached to the chapter subdivision, because the chapter titles are presented only on the contents page, and not in the text. The choice of the four papers that open the book is very sound and the papers are particularly informative. H. Wofner analysed climate changes and their edimentological record in the Carboniferous–Permian time interval. This is a very competent synthesis of recent knowledge of the development of the Carboniferous–Permian glaciation and it provides a brief description of the key world sections, an excellent starting point for further reading of regional case studies. Extremely interesting in the context of present-day discussion is the final conclusion that the variations in CO2 concentrations are not a very convincing cause of global temperature changes. As it proved in the case of the Quaternary glaciation, "rising temperature preceded the increase of atmospheric CO2 ". According to this author, the causes of climatic changes are evidently more complex and were caused by .forces emanating from our galaxy (cosmic ray influx, magnetic intensity, gravitational vectors) and their variation over the course of a galactic year (the time for the solar system to orbit the core of the galaxy)".X. Wang and an assembly of Chinese and Japanese authors summarized the state of knowledge of the Carboniferous of South China. They presented a description of evolving brachiopod, fusulinacean and conodont assemblages in Chinese sections in the context of climate change. Although the paper could be assigned to the group of papers where the climatic context is of secondary importance, the article is an extremely useful synthesis of modern knowledge of the Chinese Carboniferous.Similarly synthetic in character is the paper by Zubin-Stathopoulos et al. on the Pennsylvanian–Permian carbonates in the north-west part of Pangea. The general subject of their observations is the very broad interval starting from the Serpukchovian (upper part of the Mississippian) and ending in the latest Permian in the classical region of east-central British Columbia. Microfacies analysis enabled warm and cold climatic zones to be distinguished and to be assigned to the changing palaeogeographies.The last of the papers included in the basic chapter is dedicated to a summary of the Zechstein magnetostratigraphy. M. Szurlies showed that the duration of the Zechstein (max. 3.5 Ma) was shorter than hitherto accepted and that the Permian/Triassic boundary was located within the continental deposits of the lowermost Buntsandstein. This conclusion had been proposed earlier by some Polish stratigraphers, and it was satisfactory that this hypothesis was now confirmed by magnetostratigraphic data.The second basic set of articles is connected with the Carboniferous and the Pennsylvanian/Permian boundary interval, i.e. with the time of the great ondwana Glaciation. In continental sections the recognition of climatic changes is difficult and therefore it is not surprising that most of the investigations are concentrated on eustatically controlled sedimentary cyclicity resulting from changes in volume of the southern continental ice sheet. Direct consideration of climate variations appears almost by accident in this chapter, and at times this gives the impression that climatic conclusions were added at the request of the reviewers or editors. Nevertheless, there are at least two papers, which describe very precise methodological tools. The first one (U. Gebhardt and M. Hiete) is devoted to the Carboniferous of the Saale Basin (Germany) and proposes an interesting procedure for distinguishing between auto- and allocyclicity in continental red beds of the Variscan intermontane basin (Pennsylvanian). The second one (M. Waksmundzka) is an example of the application of sequence stratigraphy in the correlation of Carboniferous sections between eastern Poland and western Europe, with innovative conclusions on the continuity of sedimentation. Neither paper concentrates on climate issues but they are both very interesting methodological contributions to stratigraphy.The last set of the papers is the most extensive and concentrates on Permian topics. They include direct climate-related interpretations based on geochemical analysis and provide quantitive data of specific climatic components. The best example is the analysis of carbon and oxygen stable isotopes in samples from brachiopod shells by J.K. Nielsen et al., which enabled recognition of seasonal climate changes in two different geographical zones, represented by Spitsbergen (20ºN–45ºN during the Permian) and Central Poland (Kajetanów – 30º farther to the south). Equally interesting is H. Kiersnowski's paper, with the reconstruction of wind directions, dependent on climatic fluctuations during the Permian in western Poland. This is a very elegant example of the application of pure sedimentological data to the interpretation of past climates. Another example of such climatic implicationsdrawn from sedimentological observations is the interpretation by G. Czapowski and H. Tomassi-Morawiec of the bromine content in salt, the key supposition being the connection of this indicator with variations in climate humidity.This part of the book is very well integrated and the component papers have been carefully selected. This most probably results from the personal interest of the book editors, A. Gąsiewicz and M. Słowakiewicz, whose scientific activity is focused on the widely interpreted geology of the Southern European Permian Basin. Their joint article, in the final part of the book, is devoted to the nature of hydrocarbons in the Zechstein Main Dolomite of Poland. In contrast to the older hypothesis on the Carboniferous source of the hydrocarbons, they argued that the majority of the hydrocarbons derived from in situ organic matter. The quoted examples, although selected slightly tendentiously, confirm the general impression after reading the book that strict climatic considerations constitute the addenda rather than the basic conclusions. However, this does not reduce the importance of this valuable and useful book. It is especially worthwhile for all geologists who investigate Late Palaeozoic successions. In conclusion, this excellent set of case studies can be thoroughly recommended and it needs to be in all institutional libraries.
This thesis analyses the emergence and the settlement process of the economic policy in the urban area of Lyon, during the last fifty years. It develops an interdisciplinary approach of the territorial public action for economic development, on the basis of an economical and a political reading of the theory of regulation. During the period of economic growth (1950-1975), the central state carried out the economic regulation for the national territory and conceived the necessary tools. Since the crisis, the state delegates responsibilities concerning economic policy to the local level. The thesis combines three points of view for analysing economic policy in both periods: the global economy and its frame of references that may guide public action; the technical and operational forms of economic policy implementation; the modes of governance of economic regulation, with a focus on the relationships between economic and politic spheres in the systems of actors. The objective of this thesis is to show how the Greater Lyon authority takes on the political leadership for territorial economic regulation in the local system of actors. It shows how the integration of the interests of private firms in public policies is done to the detriment of the traditional role of economic actors such as chambers of commerce. Furthermore, the engagement of the Greater Lyon authority in the competition for economic attractiveness might compromise the respect of the general interest in local public action. ; Cette thèse analyse le processus d'ancrage de la politique économique dans l'agglomération lyonnaise, sur une échelle de temps d'une cinquantaine d'années. Le travail privilégie une approche pluridisciplinaire et diachronique de l'action publique territoriale en faveur du développement économique, à partir d'une double lecture économique et politique de la théorie de la régulation. Celle-ci met en évidence le nouveau statut actif du territoire en matière de développement économique, ainsi que le rôle du système d'acteurs local dans la conduite de la politique à partir de la notion de la gouvernance. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail réside dans l'existence d'une dynamique de territorialisation de l'action publique qui s'accompagne d'une prise en charge politique de la défense de l'intérêt des entreprises par le niveau local depuis la survenue de la crise. Les Trente Glorieuses correspondent à une période de forte croissance économique, durant laquelle l'Etat central organise la régulation économique sur le territoire national et met en place les leviers financiers, opérationnels et spatiaux nécessaires à son organisation. Cette politique économique étatique s'inscrit dans le cadre du Plan et repose sur le principe de l'économie dirigée, consacrant la prise en charge du portage de l'intérêt des entreprises par les pouvoirs publics centraux au nom de l'intérêt général. Elle accorde une place importante au volet spatial de l'intervention publique, notamment à travers l'aménagement du territoire et l'urbanisme. Elle est déclinée dans l'agglomération lyonnaise de façon relativement autoritaire par la technocratie étatique, qui met en œuvre les objectifs industriels et tertiaires de développement économique des grands groupes nationaux par le biais de la politique des métropoles d'équilibre. Le rôle traditionnel des organismes patronaux et des acteurs économiques locaux dans la conduite de la régulation économique territoriale est passablement remis en question et éclipsé par l'attitude hégémonique des services de l'Etat. La création de la Communauté urbaine de Lyon et de ses bras exécutants opérationnels (Atelier d'urbanisme, Société d'économie mixte d'aménagement) renforce d'autant plus la mainmise étatique sur l'expertise et la conduite politique en matière d'intervention économique. Avec la pérennisation de la crise économique à partir de 1975, l'Etat se décharge progressivement de la responsabilité de la politique économique sur le niveau local. Son action a toutefois permis de moderniser et de développer la base économique lyonnaise, grâce à l'aménagement de vastes zones industrielles dans les communes de banlieue et au lancement d'un important programme d'immobilier de bureaux autour du centre directionnel de la Part Dieu à Lyon. Le relatif échec de l'intervention centrale sur le territoire local, destinée à promouvoir les intérêts des grands groupes industriels et tertiaires nationaux, favorise cependant la réémergence des acteurs économiques et des structures patronales dans la gestion économique de l'agglomération lyonnaise, aux côtés des autorités publiques communautaires. Ceux-ci se chargent notamment de reprendre en main la défense de l'intérêt des entreprises, en introduisant la culture managériale et stratégique dans la conduite de la régulation économique territoriale. Ce processus de territorialisation de l'action économique est confirmé et renforcé par la Décentralisation depuis les années 1980. La période récente est ainsi marquée par la montée en puissance politique et institutionnelle des pouvoirs publics locaux dans la gestion économique de l'agglomération lyonnaise. Celle-ci résulte d'une mutation profonde du cadre référentiel qui guide l'organisation de la régulation économique à l'échelle des territoires. La concurrence et la compétitivité économique se déplacent en effet de l'échelle nationale au niveau des territoires locaux, parallèlement à l'affirmation de la mondialisation économique. Elles deviennent les valeurs centrales dans la définition des nouvelles politiques urbaines. Cette évolution majeure du contexte d'ensemble se traduit par l'appropriation politique de l'impératif économique par les autorités lyonnaises, qui en font l'enjeu dominant de la politique de développement territoriale de la métropole. Les importantes évolutions de l'organigramme du Grand Lyon reflètent également le développement de la compétence économique au sein des services techniques communautaires et la volonté politique d'affirmer le rôle des pouvoirs publics locaux en matière de régulation économique territoriale. Le management stratégique et la démarche de projet sont érigés en modalités privilégiées de la conception comme de la mise en œuvre de la politique économique locale. Appliquées à la planification territoriale, à l'urbanisme et à l'aménagement de l'espace, ils permettent une instrumentalisation renforcée de ces champs d'action publique au service de l'impératif de développement économique. Ils favorisent plus globalement une logique d'intégration fonctionnelle des politiques urbaines locales à des fins de compétitivité économique du territoire. La recherche de transversalité et de mise en cohérence des volets urbain et économique de l'intervention de la collectivité bute cependant sur les tentations d'intervention trop stratégiques et spécialisées des services économiques communautaires, qui souffrent d'une relative inadéquation entre leurs ambitions d'action sur les filières économiques ou le volet technologique, et leurs réelles capacité d'expertise ou d'action sur le territoire local. Sur un plan plus politique, l'émergence du Grand Lyon au centre du système d'acteurs local de la régulation économique contraint les organismes à vocation économique à reconsidérer leur positionnement dans la défense et la promotion de l'intérêt des entreprises par le biais de l'action publique territoriale. La gouvernance économique lyonnaise est en effet dominée par les autorités communautaires, qui tendent à tisser des liens plus nombreux et directs avec le monde des entreprises, et à prendre en charge de façon plus ou moins explicite et légitime l'intérêt économique des acteurs privés. Pour chacune des deux grandes périodes – 1950-1980 et 1980-2005 –, la démonstration combine donc trois angles d'analyse : le fonctionnement de l'économie les référentiels qui guident l'action publique ; les modalités techniques et opérationnelles de mise en œuvre de la politique économique ; l'organisation politique et institutionnelle du système d'acteurs et le mode de gouvernement de la régulation. Une attention particulière est en outre portée aux relations entre les sphères politique et économique, ainsi qu'au rôle du niveau local par rapport à celui de l'Etat central. L'objectif de ce travail est de mettre en évidence la prise de leadership politique du Grand Lyon au sein du système d'acteurs local en matière de régulation économique territoriale. L'intégration du portage de l'intérêt des entreprises par les pouvoirs publics locaux se réalise au détriment du rôle historique des acteurs économiques et au risque de la représentation démocratique. Elle interroge les limites de l'engagement de l'intérêt général local dans le jeu de la concurrence économique et de la course à l'attractivité selon la nouvelle logique libérale.
