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"Green cities" offer a systematic approach to a significant part of the nowadays urban complexity. The concept dovetails in the "healthy city" idea launched by the World Health Organization, but is equally associated with "sustainable" and "smart cities". During the past decades planning for "green cities" shifted, incorporating new ideas as sustainable development and IT-driven management instruments for smart cities. Contemporary cities continue to face major environmental challenges. Replying to this dynamic context is a main task for cities during the coming decades of the millennium. As most of the (major) cities worldwide are located at the edge of the continents, supporting water-bound activities, they show a significant "blue economy" aspect. This paper reviews the historical context of the science aspects of "green cities" and the related approaches. Four main challenges for livable (coastal) cities today are discussed, taking into account the continuous changes and the almost permanent transition cities face. Climate change effects as sea level rise and extreme weather conditions, affect directly coastal cities; providing enough drinking water is a long standing and increasing problem; ports face particular and specific environmental problems which are in need of a tailored management; and sufficient accessible green areas remain of primary concern for any green city. Cross cutting through these issues are among others mobility and sustainable urban design.These major challenges will necessitate new processes of decision making. Long term planning is essential. This includes among others green infrastructure, systematic investment in natural areas (both on land and in the marine environment), cleaner technology innovations (on water treatment, low carbon emission technology, advanced waste prevention and treatment management, green roofs, and (artificial) wetlands), and the use of smart, IT-driven solutions.References Akcin M., Kaygusuz A., Karabiber A., Alagoz S., Alagoz B.B., Keles C., 2016. Opportunities for energy efficiency in smart cities. Smart grid congress and fair (ICSG), Istanbul, Turkey. IEEE Xplore document DOI:10.1109/SGCF.2016.7492425. Avin U., Holden D., 2000. Does your growth smart? Planning 66(1), 26-29. Bosh O., Nguyen Nam, Nguyen Van Thanh, 2016. Systems thinking for everyone. The journey from theory to making an impact in Vietnam, pp.126. Syspac PTY Ltd., Australia. Boulos, J., 2016. Sustainable Development of Coastal Cities-Proposal of a Modelling Framework to Achieve Sustainable City-Port Connectivity. 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Poor rural and urban households in developing countries face substantial risks, which they handle with risk-management and risk-coping strategies, including self-insurance through savings and informal insurance mechanisms. Despite these mechanisms, however, vulnerability to poverty linked to risk remains high. This article reviews the literature on poor households use of risk-management and risk-coping strategies. It identifies the constraints on their effectiveness and discusses policy options. It shows that risk and lumpiness limit the opportunities to use assets as insurance, that entry constraints limit the usefulness of income diversification, and that informal risk-sharing provides only limited protection, leaving some of the poor exposed to very severe negative shocks. Public safety nets are likely to be beneficial, but their impact is sometimes limited, and they may have negative externalities on households that are not covered. Collecting more information on households vulnerability to poverty through both quantitative and qualitative methods can help inform policy.

International audience Why do some societies have political institutions that support productively inefficient outcomes? And why does the political power of elites vested in these outcomes often grow over time, even when they are unable to block more efficient modes of production? We propose an explanation centered on the interplay between political and cultural change. We build a model in which cultural values are transmitted inter-generationally. The cultural composition of society, in turn, determines public-goods provision as well as the future political power of elites from different cultural groups. We characterize the equilibrium of the model and provide sufficient conditions for the emergence of cultural revivals. These are characterized as movements in which both the cultural composition of society as well as the political power of elites who are vested in productively inefficient outcomes grow over time. We reveal the usefulness of our framework by applying it to two case studies: the Jim Crow South and Turkey's Gülen Movement.

this article analyses the use of a set of composite indicators as a measure of competitiveness. Based on the rank tests of Spearman and Kendall (1938), we show that the rankings induced by these different competitiveness indices are very closely correlated. Moreover, on the basis of a critical analysis of these indicators, we prove that they cannot be used as a measure of countries' competitiveness. Indeed, the lack of theoretical and empirical basis in the choice of variables and their weights leads to problems of interpretation in terms of economic policy. The "scores" obtained for these various indicators should therefore be interpreted with caution and composite indices should rather be used as indicator or benchmark variables for the competitiveness resulting from side tables. ; This article investigates the use of a series of composite indicators as a measure of global competitiveness. Using Spearman and Kendall (1938) rank correlation tests, we show that rankings resulting from those competitiveness indices are highly correlated. Furthermore, a critical analysis of these indicators indicates that they cannot be used as an empirical measure of countries competitiveness. Indeed, the lack of theoretical and empirical basis for the choice of variables and weights inside the indices brings some interpretations problems in terms of economic policy. "Scores" obtained using these indicators have to be taken with caution. These indices have to be rather used as indicatory variables or competitiveness benchmarks resulting in dashboard. ; this article analyses the use of a set of composite indicators as a measure of competitiveness. Based on the rank tests of Spearman and Kendall (1938), we show that the rankings induced by these different competitiveness indices are very closely correlated. Moreover, on the basis of a critical analysis of these indicators, we prove that they cannot be used as a measure of countries' competitiveness. Indeed, the lack of theoretical and empirical basis in the choice of variables and ...

Now that import-substitution policies have failed and been discredited, there has been a shift in favor of interventions on behalf of export interests. The author argues that close scrutiny reveals these arguments to be as flawed as the old arguments for import substitution. Among other things, the author concludes that: 1) Under perfect competition, a country trying to retaliate against a trading partners export subsidies by instituting its own export subsidies, will only hurt itself. 2) The argument that export subsidies may be useful for neutralizing import tariffs, is spurious. In most practical situations, this is not possible. Removal of tariffs is a far superior policy. 3) In principle, a case can be made for protecting infant export industries in the presence of externalities. But the empirical relevance of externalities remains as illusory for export industries as it was for import-substituting industries. 4) Adverse selection and moral hazard can lead to the thinning of the market for credit insurance, but that is not a case for government intervention. 5) India's experience shows export subsidies to have little impact on exports. Brazil and Mexico's experience shows export subsidies to be a costly instrument of export diversification. 6) Those who argue that pro-export interventions were important in East Asia have not provided convincing evidence of a casual relationship between the interventions and growth.

Relevance of research topic. The number of Ukrainian holding-type organizations and their land bankcontinues to grow, "displacing" small and medium-sized producers from the agricultural economy.Since 2019, state policy has been refocusing on forced support for small and small-scale farms, and after the Ukrainian decentralization reform the leadership of the united territorial communities of the new tools they received depends on the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Formulation of the problem. Today, the actualization of local economic development requires significant financial resources from the united territorial communities. And the formation of their budget depends on the effectiveagricultural sector operation. After the Ukrainian reform of local self-government and decentralization, the economic development of the territories and of Ukraine as a whole, depends on the using of new tools and resources by the community leadership. The solution of theagrarian sphere problems of the united territorial communities is in the plane ofsmall agrarian entrepreneurship state support, strengthening of the state control over the activity of large agro-traders, as well as their social and financial responsibility to the united territorial communities. Analysis of recent research and publications. Theoretical questions on the study of small agrarian entrepreneurship in the development of united territorial communities were engaged in such scientists of the Institute of Economics of NASU, Institute of Agrarian Economics of NAAS of Ukraine, as Shemyakin D., Finagina O. V., Lysetsky A. S., Onishchenko O. M., and other national and foreign scientists. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. The issue of the impact of decentralization on theagricultural sector development of the united territorial communities needs to be detailed and further researched. Setting the task, the purpose of the study. The article aim is to investigate the theoretical aspect of organizational and legal foundations of the formation of united territorial communities in Ukraine, assess thesmall agricultural business current state and trace its relationship with the activities of united territorial communities for economic development. Method or methodology for conducting research. The set of general scientific methods of cognition and special methods of economic research are used in the work. Among them: analysis and synthesis, generalization and comparison, system-structural and comparative analysis, systematic method of cognition of economic processes and phenomena, index method and method of statistical groupings for analysis of united territorial communities activity development of the agro-industrial complex of Ukraine. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The article considers the theoretical aspect of organizational and legal foundations of the united territorial communities formation in Ukraine, assesses the current state of small agricultural business and reveals it's main relationships with the united territorial communities activities for region economic development. Territorial communities are voluntary associations of residents of city, village and settlement councils, which directly receive funding from the state budget for the development of education, medicine, sports, culture, and social protection. Financial support from the state gives more opportunities to local communities to implement their own projects. The more active the territorial community, the more projects will be implemented and theterritorial communityprofitability level will be higher, which it will spend on the development of territories. This is the main incentive to attract additional investment to improve people's living standards. In 2020, theUkrainian Cabinet of Ministers adopted 24 orders on the definition of administrative centers and approval ofregional community's territories. There are 1469 territorial communities in our country. After the launch of the decentralization process in Ukraine – the transfer of powers and resources to places from which the community itself determines the direction of funding, small communities require forresource lack for rural development. The solution has beena decision to consolidate several councils by merging, which allowed communities to use common resources for territorial development. Ukraine owns 60.3 million hectares, which is about 6% of Europe's territory.There are 32.7 millionarable land hectares of land in the structure ofUkrainian agricultural territory, of which almost 9 million are used as pastures, hayfields and other agricultural lands. The quarter of agricultural land was never distributed, remaining on the balance of the state. Thus, state and the communal property include 10.5 million hectares of agricultural land, which is 26% of the total area, of which 3.2 million hectares – in the permanent use of state enterprises, 2.5 million hectares – in stock, and the rest – for rent. Almost 40% of the total number of Ukrainian enterprises in the agricultural sector and 38% of the area of agricultural land cultivated by agricultural enterprises are absorbed by agricultural holdings and large agricultural traders. On June 1, 2019, there were more than 160 large agricultural holdings in the country, they cultivate more than 3.6 million hectares of agricultural land. Thus, today in Ukraine the number of holding-type organizations and their land bank continues to grow, "displacing" small and medium-sized producers from the agricultural economy. Thecommunity agrarian branch is a complex multi-sectoral system, the individual subsystems of which are unevenly represented in different territorial formations, but are in close interaction with each other. The role of small agrarian businesses in the development of united territorial community'sagriculture is constantly growing. In recent years, the share of farms has increased by 30%. With the development of farming in the agricultural regions of Ukraine, the opportunities to solve the problem of employment in rural areas and the revival of territories in general are increasing. Therefore, state support for agricultural producers is an important step in order to obtain funds for small business development in the agro-industrial sector. If earlier the preference of vectors of state support was in large agro-traders, then from 2019 the policy of the state was reoriented to the strengthened support of small and small-scale farms. Such support is confirmed by financial preferences for small agribusiness through regional branches of the Ukrainian State Farm Support Fund. Agricultural cooperatives will receive state support through cooperation with the Ministry of Agriculture of Ukraine with the assistance of the Department. Thus, today the promissory note form of payment has been abolished, and 70% of the cost of their equipment has been reimbursed for cooperatives. As a result of the crisis of 2014-2016, many Ukrainians started doing business and many successful cases of micro and small agricultural enterprises operating in the regions appeared in the country. However, barriers to rural development are a lack of financial resources and a lack of economic knowledge. Therefore, in order to maximally support farms and agro-industrial entrepreneurship in rural areas by the state, high-quality interaction and communication on the ground is needed. Thus, in addition to financial support, the state program also includes advising agricultural producers. Experienced specialists will help to structure the business, calculate the financial and create a business plan. In 2020, the budget of financial support for the agro-industrial sector of Ukraine is set at 4 billion UAH, which is only 43% of the limit – does not meet 1% of GDP. the real need for financial state support of a key sector of Ukraine's economy. The implementation of the program of financing micro and small agribusiness has great potential not only in the country, but also within each united territorial community. Each of them, which participates in the program of state support of small agrarian business, annually receives about 75 thousand UAH of taxes to its budget. On a national scale, this is an additional UAH 75 million ($ 3.06 million) in taxes to local budgets over 5 years. The possibility of organizational and legal forms of micro and small agribusiness, according to the current legislation of Ukraine, to hire labor – partially solves the problem of unemployment in rural areas. A significant contribution is also made by micro and small agribusiness in increasing the volume of gross domestic product in Ukraine. Small and medium business in Ukraine brings 55% of gross domestic product to the country's economy, and micro and small business 16%, while in Europe the figure is twice as high, and their efficiency is 10 times higher than in our country. It is the subjects of small and medium-sized businesses in the field of agriculture that are powerful catalysts and stimulators of business activity, determine the unification of all participants in economic relations in the country. Therefore, state support and effective development of united territorial community'sagribusiness create the basis for the emergence and functioning of the institutional environment. Thus, giving 12% of Ukraine's GDP and providing jobs for members of the local community, small agribusiness entities need the development of agricultural equipment suppliers, agricultural processors, research institutions that conduct breeding work and develop modern technologies, logistics infrastructure, market structures, as well as institutions of agricultural education. The agro-industrial sphere of the community is the main means of ensuring the socio-economic development of territorial united territorial communitiesand the effective functioning of rural areas. However, the distribution of agricultural land and land ownership remains an urgent problem for united territorial communities, as in addition to the territorial base, the land is a means of agricultural production. The population of the united territorial community is the main consumer of agricultural products produced by small agricultural enterprises. So, it provides a reproduction of labor for the industry. The vector of development of united territorial community'sagricultural production depends on the availability of natural, productive and labor resources of the community. The most energy-intensive are the production of vegetable crops, sugar beets, potatoes, industrial crops, as well as certain livestock industries, which are more often engaged in by farms and small agricultural enterprises. The study found that in Ukraine, government measures are the main obstacle to the development of agro-industrial entrepreneurship in united territorial communities, because it creates an extremely unfavorable climate for the development of small and medium enterprises or prohibits it altogether. For many years in a row, the sources of budget formation, which are generally local taxes, remain a significant problem in the development of agriculturally oriented united territorial communities. The limitation of incomes of agricultural enterprises and the population is the low efficiency of agricultural enterprises, the main reason for which is the low wages of peasants. The reason for this problem in the agricultural sector is low productivity, which forms the added value of agricultural products. Examining the structure of Ukrainian small agrarian business, its players in general education were classified into two large groups: 1. Farmers and agricultural producers living and working in rural areas. They live in a society within the lands of which they rent shares, pay all the necessary taxes, provide residents of general education with jobs, finished agricultural products at affordable prices. 2. Farmers who are registered in Ukrainian cities, however, use the land of the community, paying only the rent of agricultural land, depleting them due to non-compliance with crop rotations. Such agro-traders enjoy state support, soft loans and other preferences, receive super-profits and in no way contribute to the development of agricultural areas and society. These are the activities of large agro-industrial holdings, the form of interaction with rural general education and the mechanisms of social responsibility which need to be worked out with the help of the following measures by the government and agricultural producers: 1) development and restoration of the infrastructure of the united territorial communities and its elements used by agricultural holdings; 2) use of modern ecologically safe agrotechnologies. 3) training of qualified specialists in the field of agro-industrial complex, their employment in modern agro-industrial companies; 4) state support, restoration and preservation of recreational and health facilities of the united territorial communities, including agricultural lands, which are leased by large agricultural holdings; 5) involvement in the economic activity of the agricultural holding of farms on a partnership basis. Thus, partnerships and cooperation between large agricultural holdings and small agricultural producers of united territorial communities can contribute not only to the development of small agricultural businesses in Ukraine, but also to the socio-economic development of society and rural areas in general. The field of application of results. Thescientific research results on the problems of small agricultural entrepreneurship in the development of united territorial communities can be used in the field of state regulation of agribusiness and united territorial communities to support local agricultural producers. Conclusions according to the article. The agro-industrial sphere of the communities is the main means of ensuring the socio-economic development of territorial communities and the effective functioning of rural areas, because the development of farming opportunities increases the problem of rural employment and the revival of territories in general. That is why state support for agricultural producers is an important step to obtain funds for small business development in the agro-industrial sector.

A competitive city is a city that successfully facilitates its firms and industries to create jobs, raise productivity, and increase the incomes of citizens over time. Worldwide, improving the competitiveness of cities is a pathway to eliminating extreme poverty and to promoting shared prosperity. The primary source of job creation has been the growth of private sector firms, which have typically accounted for around 75 percent of job creation. Thus city leaders need to be familiar with the factors that help to attract, to retain, and to expand the private sector. This document aims to analyze what makes a city competitive and how more cities can become competitive.

This paper presents new data on the micro structure of the export sector for 45 countries and studies how exporter behavior varies with country size and stage of development. Larger countries and more developed countries have more exporters, larger exporters, and a greater share of exports controlled by the top 5 percent. The extensive margin (more firms) plays a greater role than the intensive margin (average size) in supporting exports of larger countries. In contrast, the intensive margin is relatively more important in explaining the exports of richer countries. Exporter entry and exit rates are higher and entrant survival is lower at an early stage of development. The paper discusses the results in light of trade theories with heterogeneous firms and the empirical literature on resource allocation, firm size, and development. An implication from the findings is that developing countries export less because the top of the firm-size distribution is truncated.

International exchange has characterized the academic community for centuries (Charle & Verger, 1994). Students have moved to other countries to attend classes at universities with a good reputation and researchers have visited each other to collaborate. Today, the field of higher education is increasingly international. Students are becoming more internationally mobile (Findlay et al. 2011; EP-Nuffic 2015), researchers are increasingly collaborating internationally (e.g. through co-publications (Kamalski & Plume 2013)) and international mobility has become a very common phenomenon among researchers (Børing et al., 2015). Policy makers at the European, national and university levels increasingly focus on the process of internationalization within the field of higher education. It is regarded simultaneously as an opportunity (brain gain and diffusion of knowledge), a threat (brain drain) and a necessity (ongoing globalization) for their future development. A common aim at the national and university level is to attract the best and the brightest researchers in order to make their respective economies and institutions competitive in a perceived global 'war for talent'. On various levels policies are put in place in order to raise the attractiveness for good researchers and to prevent a brain drain. This raises the question how researchers' mobility behavior can be influenced and to what extent policies may raise the attractiveness of countries and their institutions. In the academic and grey literature scholars have studied the mobility behavior of researchers in various ways. In most studies mobile researchers are asked in surveys about their prime motivation to make an international move (Franzoni et al. 2012; MORE2 2013; Conchi & Michels 2014). Their academic career and research come out as the most important reasons to be mobile. Personal reasons and terms of employment are significantly less important. Other push and pull factors are in play to describe the mobility behavior of researchers. Geographical and cultural proximity is considered a good predictor of mobility behavior (Franzoni et al. 2012; Conchi & Michels 2014; Appelt et al. 2015). Economic decline is a push factor for many researchers, as shown by the recent researcher migration flows from Italy, Spain and Greece to countries in West and North Europe (MORE2 2013). However, despite the attention for the motivations and the push and pull factors, there is still little understanding of how different factors for international mobility interact. The relation between the more important and less important factors is rarely addressed. Furthermore, policies to stimulate international attractiveness are seldom part of the studies on mobility behavior. In this paper we will study the way in which various motivations of researchers to decide to be internationally mobile interact and the role internationalization policies play in these motivations. We study the motivations for international mobility in the Dutch policy context. This context is characterized by several politicians, policy makers and university directors who have showed their concern about a rising war for talent and the Dutch inability to attract and retain the best researchers. To prevent this from happening universities have set goals to attract more international staff. The national government hopes that the national excellence funding schemes will attract foreign talent and it has implemented several general policy measures to attract highly educated foreigners (e.g. tax benefits). In order to understand the interplay of different factors of the mobility behavior of researchers and the role of internationalization policies, we make use of three data sources. First, we did a document analysis of internationalization policies at the European, national and university level. Second, in addition to the document analysis, we interviewed 12 policy makers, covering almost half of the present Dutch universities, about their experiences with a global war for talent. We selected faculty policy makers that are said to experience the strongest competition on the academic labor market. And third, we have interviewed 19 foreign researchers that have come to work in The Netherlands in the last twelve years. They were asked about their decision making process concerning their move to their current research institution in The Netherlands. They were asked about their experiences with internationalization policies as well. Our preliminary results suggest that factors influencing mobility behavior are both intertwined and segmented. The reasons for researchers to be mobile form a complex iterative process involving several types of motivations at once. International mobility occurs in a 'window of opportunity' where every factor falls in place or it occurs when one of the factors is so dominant that other factors are trumped. Furthermore, we find that the global war for talent and the academic labor market is segmented. In general terms the process of supply and demand is segmented by disciplines and by positions. This means that academic disciplines all compete with different types of organizations over research talent. Similarly, the competition for excellent and recognized professors is different (war for talent) than the competition for young and inexperienced postdocs (war between talent (Van Arensbergen 2014)). The former can be described as a seller's market, the latter as a buyer's market. The segmentation of the academic labor market is visible in the mobility behavior of researchers. We recognize four types of mobility behavior. 1. The early career researchers who are strongly motivated to gain international experience. Their situation is paradoxical: since they usually are relatively unattached they can travel anywhere, but the war between talent forces them to accept almost any position that is offered to them. Their choice for their current research group is therefore somewhat, but not completely, random. 2. The researchers who were looking for a new job because of their discontent in a former position. They have no strong preference for an international move, but their built up expertise (niche) forces them to look abroad for positions. At the same time they are bound by personal circumstances, such as a partner, children and other family. They experience a push factor to leave their position, but have limited opportunities. 3. The researchers who were offered an excellent career opportunity. In many cases this concerns a move for a higher position, such as a professorship. To make such a career move, international mobility is necessary. In some cases this once in a lifetime opportunity trumps other influencing factors. 4. The researchers who were very happy in their previous position, but nevertheless accepted a new position because of the unique research possibilities. These researchers are mostly in a tenure position and do not feel the need to change jobs. The question remains to what extent the decisions of researchers are perceptive to specific internationalization policies. We find that the mobility behavior of researchers can only be influenced to a certain degree by policies explicitly directed at attracting foreign talent, such as migration support by universities or tax benefits. More important factors are the presence of high profile researchers and unique facilities, or general factors like the reputation of a university, the standard of living, a researcher's social and cultural preferences and the proximity to family and friends. All those factors can at most be influenced indirectly through policy measures and are long term investments. References Appelt, S., van Beuzekom, B., Galindo-Rueda, F. and de Pinho R. (2015). Which factors influence the international mobility of research scientists? in A. Geuna (ed.) Global Mobility of Research Scientists: The Economics of Who Goes Where and Why. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Børing, P., Flanagan, K., Gagliardi, D., Kaloudis, A., & Karakasidou, A. (2015). International mobility: Findings from a survey of researchers in the EU. Science and Public Policy, scv006. Charle, C., & Verger, J. (1994). Histoire des universités (Vol. 391). Presses universitaires de France. Conchi, S. and Michels. C. (2014), "Scientific mobility – An analysis of Germany, Austria, France and Great Britain", Fraunhofer ISI Discussion Papers Innovation Systems and Policy Analysis No. 41, Karlsruhe. EP-Nuffic (2015). Internationalisering in beeld 2015. Den Haag: EP-Nuffic. Findlay, A. M., King, R., Smith, F. M., Geddes, A. and Skeldon, R. (2012), World class? An investigation of globalisation, difference and international student mobility. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 37: 118–131. Franzoni, C., Scellato, G. and Stephan, P. (2012). Foreign-born scientists: Mobility patterns for 16 countries. Nature Biotechnology 30(12): 1250-1253. Kamalski, J. & Plume, A. (2013). Comparative Benchmarking of European and US Research Collaboration and Researcher Mobility. Amsterdam: Elsevier. MORE2. (2013). Support for continued data collection and analysis concerning mobility patterns and career paths of researchers. EU Commission Report. Brussels: European Commission. van Arensbergen, P. (2014), Talent Proof: Selection Processes in Research Funding and Careers. Den Haag, Rathenau Instituut.

This paper argues that cumulative causation processes are fundamental to understanding growth and development. Such processes derive from spatially concentrated increasing returns to scale including thick market effects, knowledge spillovers, sectoral and urban clustering, and self-reinforcing improvements in physical and social infrastructure. These sources of agglomeration have been extensively analyzed in the economic geography literature. They imply that spatial unevenness in economic activity and incomes is an equilibrium outcome. Growth tends to be 'lumpy,' with some sectors in some countries growing fast while other countries lag. The policy challenge is to lift potential new centers of economic activity to the point where they can reap the productivity and investment climate advantages of increasing returns and cumulative causation.

Urbanization has led to increased wheat imports by non-traditional, wheat producing countries. Globally, Southeast Asia has had the most rapid increase in wheat consumption. Over the past decade, Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, Laos, and Vietnam have attempted to assess the feasibility of initiating domestic wheat production to substitute or supplement their imports of wheat. All of these countries have areas suitable for wheat production, but no production experience, indigenous consumption, or marketing structures for wheat to provide a base for expansion. Despite the appeal of developing domestic wheat production, it must be considered essentially an experimental venture. Thus while it has been possible to gain the enthusiasm of technical people, it may not necessarily rate high on the list of government priorities. The main difficulties of developing wheat in Thailand have surprisingly not been technical issues, such as poor plant development, pests, and diseases. Instead, the unfamiliarity of the crop amongst scientists, extension workers, and farmers has been the key constraint. Functionally this has resulted in a number of problems in unexpected areas; • Identifying the areas where wheat would have a comparative advantage over other crops was not clear for some time. As a result, early extension efforts were scattered and shifted from area to area. • The recommended technology for planting wheat was too intensive and liable to misinterpretation by farmers, which led to repeated crop failures in the early years of the program. Easily adopted technologies that allowed reliable crop establishment by farmers took some time to evolve. • Local grain merchants had no knowledge of wheat and were not prepared to purchase small volumes from isolated groups of farmers. This created a lack of confidence in the crop among farmers and extension workers. These issues were recognized as being significant once the production program was in the progress and they had to be dealt with as they were encountered. The program in Thailand is notable in that it has not been structured as a pilot project with a specific pilot area for production; special fund allocations; or any program to buy back the crop from farmers. Instead, the program has been implemented within existing planning, budgeting, and operating procedures of the various government institutions involved. This has had inherent difficulties, but has also led to some innovative initiatives. In the long run, these have given the program greater strength and sustainability: • The difficulty of marketing small quantities of the crop was initially addressed by attempting to promote local use of the crop. • The Department of Agricultural Extension (DOAE) has begun to develop a market structure for wheat ased on local independent grain merchants. This should expand dynamically with a minimal input of government funds. • A wide range of institutions has been involved in the program, which gave the program access to inspiration and initiatives from different directions.This has helped maintain momentum to a greater degree than if only one institution were involved. • Finally, the problem of developing appropriate production technologies for a diverse production environment, was solved through a process of cross-fertilization between researchers on-farm trials, and farmers' informal trials. This interaction between research and extension evolved through a "participatory extension" approach that engaged farmers in the process of fine tuning the technologies to their particular situation. Most of the major crops that have been introduced to Thailand since World War II (i.e., maize, cassava, soybean, and tobacco) have been export-driven, with the private sector playing an active role in supplying farmers with inputs, production technologies, and a waiting market. Wheat, on the other hand, is competing with efficiently produced imports, with all stages of the program for developing production; technology development, seed supply, and marketing, being led by the govemment sector. This offers a unique opportunity to draw useful lessons. At this point, the technical viability of wheat production has been established. Dynamic expansion of the crop has yet to occur and will depend on the program's successful transition from being government-sponsored to the private sector. Final establishment of the crop will also depend on factors outside of the program's control, such as world prices for wheat. This Report focuses on the processes and dynamics of wheat's introduction and its expansion, the underlying constraints and imperatives, and the roles and interactions of the various cooperating institutions. The three chapters covering these topics are briefly summarized below. Chapter I. Promoting "Local Use" of Wheat as a Strategy for Developing Crop Production Extension efforts to introduce wheat to small farmers in northern Thailand began in the early 1980s. The program was immediately faced with the problem of disposing of the small output being generated by scattered groups of farmers. To escape this problem, local use of the wheat was promoted as a substitute for selling it. This was intended to allow farmers time to begin to obtain reasonable yields so that it would be economic for them to produce and permit production volume to increase sufficiently so that local grain merchants could purchase and ship the harvest to the flour mills in Bangkok. Local use was promoted on two levels: direct consumption within farm families to supplement their staple diet of rice, and sale of locally milled whole-wheat flour to food vendors. Whole-wheat flour was selected due to the simple grinding process involved and the feasibility of blending it with commercial white flour. The program developed several ways of preparing food that allowed wheat to be included in the food habits of local Thai farmers and the ethnic hilltribe people. These dishes were readily accepted on the basis of taste, but the long preparation and/or cooking time prohibited their ready adoption into the farm family diet. However, there are some indications that ethnic hilltribe people could fit the more basic preparations into their diets and daily routines. The was a consistent interest among farmers' housewives to use wheat for various types of snacks. A number of small bakeries started using methods of milling and baking, based on locally available technologies and materials. In the end, the main obstacle to widespread replication of such enterprises was not poor market acceptance or the lack of appropriate technologies, but the lack of middlemen who would maintain a stock of wheat in the village. Without material readily available, there was little opportunity for potential entrepreneurs to begin trial operations. Overall, the local use effort was not successful in its main objective of generating home consumption in the place of selling the crop. However, there were indications that local use of wheat could develop in certain situations once production became more commonplace. While unsuccessful in this primary goal, the effort di help to popularize the new crop among women farmers. The interest and cooperation that the program engendered was significant. Therefore, when trying to stimulate interest in a new crop, the local use concept should not be rejected out of hand. Chapter II. Developing Production: Initiatives and Constraints The current program to establish wheat production is the latest attempt to do so over the past 50 years. The Department of Agricultural Extension (DOAE) initiated the program with a series of multilocation trials, beginning in the 1983/84 cool season. A wdespread wheat promotion campaign began four years later (1987/88 cool season). As a key element of the campaign, the DOAE has provided free seed and fertilizer. Where substantial production areas developed, mobile threshers were made available free of charge. Production has been promoted in ,both rainfed and irrigated environments. A rough estimate of the area in these two production domains is 110,000 and 55,000 ha, respectively. Extension efforts have alternately targeted rainfed and irrigated environments as the expectation of success in the two domains changed. By 1990/91 season, "production centers" of wheat had been established in six of Thailand's eight provinces. The production area in 1995/96 had reached a modest 742 ha and 720 ha for rainfed and irrigated areas, respectively, with a total of about 1500 ha. Early extension efforts were plagued by consistent crop failure due to farmers' unfamiliarity with the crop. In irrigated areas, farmers consistently over-irrigated, over-seeded, or left seed uncovered. Rainfed areas had similar problems of over-seeding and poor seed-cover. In rainfed production the seeding date has to coincide with the last storms of the wet season. As the pattern of these late storms changes from year to year, this has necessarily prolonged the learning curve for rainfed farmers. Thus the yields for rainfed production have been slower to rise. Such a set of management errors is typical for any extension program introducing a new crop. But in the case of wheat, the technology extended to farmers played a major role in their onsistent crop failures. It was not until more appropriate technologies were developed that extension began to achieved any success he severity of these management errors has been reduced (but not eliminated) so that the average yields for the 1996 harvest were approximately 1 t/ha and 0.64 t/ha for irrigated and rainfed areas, respectively. This is still below the calculated "break-even" point of 1.2 and 0.82 t/ha for irrigated and rainfed areas, respectively. However, farmers with a number of years experience growing the crop are achieving double these yields. Marketing has been a major issue for wheat. The DOAE made a concerted effort to develop a market structure based on independent local grain merchants. They acted at two levels. In Bangkok, guaranteed prices of 7.4 Bt/kg (0.30 US$/kg) at the mill door and procedures for handling the crop were established with mill representatives. At the local level, extension workers selected local grain merchants and introduced them to farmers. The two groups held yearly marketing meetings before crop harvest. The system has some rough spots, but the network of local grain merchants purchasing the crop is increasing each season. This structure should expand dynamically as production expands without continued coordination by government institutions. This attempt to engage the private sector, should it prove effective, will have been achieved with minimal government expenditure. The crop is at its "watershed" in Thailand. There are expanding centers of production in both rainfed and irrigated areas, appropriate technologies are available, and marketing links with flour mills in Bangkok have been established. However, dynamic expansion is yet to occur. Government support of free seed has reached the limit of its usefulness now and is beginning to inhibit dynamic expansion. Average yields are still depressed by the typical management errors noted in the early years of extension, and by market links, which are not yet responsive. All of these problems can be managed. However, the overall constraint is the lack of any real drive from the mills as the end users. The government sector has succeeded in establishing the basis for wheat production in northern Thailand. Its job is more or less done. At some point the private sector will need to become a driving force. When the program began in early 1980s, wheat prices were low, but they have risen substantially since, so that domestic wheat should now be cheaper than imported wheat. Chapter III. Developing Appropriate Technologies in a Diverse Production Environment The initial research effort was confined to experiment stations where scientists themselves had to become familiar with the crop's characteristics. The original recommended technology was time-and labor-intensive, and was open to misinterpretation by traditional rice farmers. It is unlikely that any extension program based on this technology would have been successful. Most of the more appropriate technologies that are now being adopted were identified through fairly informal on-farm trials. The research program has changed considerably over the last 12 years. Research is now strictly oriented towards production problems and has a strong on-farm component. In addition, scientists are beginning to examine the focus ofthe research program in the context of the diversity of the production environments. Since the beginning of widespread promotion of the crop to farmers in the 1987/88 season, there have been dramatic shifts in the preferred technology used. Perhaps as few as 10% of the farmers are still using the originally recommended technology. Broadcasting instead of row seeding, minimum tillage instead of soil preparation, and the use of mulch to alter the micro-climate of the crop are some of the changes that promise to increase yields and/or reduce inputs. There have been several stages in the evolution of appropriate production technologies, and the specific technology preferred at a particular site varies according to local conditions. Farmers themselves have played an active role in adapting and innovating appropriate technologies. This is perhaps to be expected with a new crop. An extension approach in which farmers are presented with a number of alternative technologies appears to be effective in engaging them to evaluate and adapt the technologies. Because there is a definite contributing role for the farmers with this extension approach, it is called "participatory." This participatory approach could offer a way around the impasse that farming systems research (FSR) faces; in diverse production environments where any technology developed will be necessarily site specific, the need for repeated trials for each environment places a load on institutionalized FSR that it will never be able to meet. Participatory extension prompts the farmers to fine-tune the technologies themselves and should allow FSR to focus on issues that are beyond farmers' resources to deal with. Tviability of institutional adoption of participatory extension was investigated through an action research program funded by Canada's International Development Research Center (IORC) within the existing Thai Wheat Program.

Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrage-Forschungsprogramm zu der Frage, wie Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Zahl von Ländern wiederholt und bietet Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.

Wie die vorhergehenden Erhebungen in den Jahren 1981, 1990, 1999 und 2008 konzentriert sich auch die fünfte EVS-Welle weiterhin auf ein breites Spektrum von Werten. Die Fragen sind zwischen den Wellen und Regionen in hohem Maße vergleichbar, so dass sich der EVS für Forschungsarbeiten zur Untersuchung von Trends im Zeitverlauf eignet.

Mit der neuen Welle wurden die methodischen Standards gestärkt. Das full release des EVS 2017 enthält Daten und Dokumentationen von insgesamt 37 teilnehmenden Ländern. Weitere Informationen finden Sie auf der Website des EVS.

Moralische, religiöse, gesellschaftliche, politische, berufliche und familiäre Werte der Europäer.

Themen: 1. Wahrnehmungen des Lebens: Bedeutung von Arbeit, Familie, Freunden und Bekannten, Freizeit, Politik und Religion; Glück; Selbsteinschätzung der eigenen Gesundheit; Mitgliedschaften in Freiwilligenorganisationen (religiöse oder kirchliche Organisationen, kulturelle Aktivitäten, Gewerkschaften, politische Parteien oder Gruppen, Umwelt, Ökologie, Tierrechte, Berufsverbände, Sport, Freizeit oder andere Gruppen, keine); aktive oder inaktive Mitgliedschaft in humanitären oder karitativen Organisationen, Verbraucherorganisationen, Selbsthilfegruppen oder gegenseitige Unterstützung; Freiwilligenarbeit in den letzten sechs Monaten; Toleranz gegenüber Minderheiten (Menschen anderer Rassen, starke Trinker, Einwanderer, Ausländer, Drogenabhängige, Homosexuelle, Christen, Muslime, Juden und Zigeuner - soziale Distanz); Vertrauen in Menschen; Einschätzung von fairem und hilfsbereitem Verhalten; interne oder externe Kontrolle; Lebenszufriedenheit; Bedeutung von Bildungszielen: wünschenswerte Eigenschaften von Kindern.

2. Arbeit: Einstellung zur Arbeit (Arbeit wird zur Entwicklung von Talenten benötigt, Geld ohne Arbeit zu erhalten, ist demütigend, Menschen werden faul, wenn sie nicht arbeiten, Arbeit ist eine Pflicht gegenüber der Gesellschaft, Arbeit steht immer an erster Stelle); Bedeutung ausgewählter Aspekte der beruflichen Arbeit; Vorrang von Einheimischen vor Ausländern sowie Männern vor Frauen im Job.

3. Religion und Moral: Religionsgemeinschaft; aktuelle und ehemalige Religionsgemeinschaft; Kirchgangshäufigkeit derzeit und im Alter von 12 Jahren; Selbsteinschätzung der Religiosität; Glaube an Gott, Leben nach dem Tod, Hölle, Himmel und Wiedergeburt; persönlicher Gott vs. Geist oder Lebenskraft; Bedeutung Gottes im eigenen Leben (10-Punkte-Skala); Häufigkeit von Gebeten; Moralvorstellungen (Skala: Inanspruchnahme von staatlichen Leistungen ohne Anspruch, Steuerbetrug, Einnahme von weichen Drogen, Annehmen von Bestechungsgeldern, Homosexualität, Abtreibung, Scheidung, Sterbehilfe, Selbstmord, Barzahlung zur Vermeidung von Steuern, Gelegenheitssex, Schwarzfahren im öffentlichen Verkehr, Prostitution, In-vitro-Fertilisation, politische Gewalt, Todesstrafe).

4. Familie: Vertrauen in die Familie; wichtigste Kriterien für eine erfolgreiche Ehe oder Partnerschaft (Treue, angemessenes Einkommen, gutes Wohnen, Aufteilung der Haushaltsarbeit, Kinder, Zeit für Freunde und persönliche Hobbys); Ehe ist eine veraltete Institution; Einstellung zum traditionellen Verständnis der Rolle von Mann und Frau in Beruf und Familie (Geschlechterrollen); homosexuelle Paare sind ebenso gute Eltern wie andere Paare; Verpflichtung gegenüber der Gesellschaft, Kinder zu bekommen; Verantwortung von erwachsenen Kindern für ihre Eltern, wenn sie langfristig betreut werden müssen; Hauptziel im Leben die eigenen Eltern stolz zu machen.

5. Politik und Gesellschaft: Politikinteresse; politische Partizipation; Präferenz für individuelle Freiheit oder soziale Gleichheit; Selbsteinschätzung auf einem Links-rechts Kontinuum (10-Punkte-Skala); individuelle vs. staatliche Verantwortung für die Bereitstellung; Übernahme jedes Jobs vs. Recht auf Ablehnung eines Jobs durch Arbeitslose; Wettbewerb gut vs. schädlich für Menschen; gleiche Einkommen vs. Anreize für individuelle Anstrengungen; privates vs. Staatseigentum von Wirtschaft und Industrie; Postmaterialismus (Skala); wichtigste Ziele des Landes für die nächsten zehn Jahre; Bereitschaft, für das Land zu kämpfen; Erwartung der zukünftigen Entwicklung (weniger Bedeutung der Arbeit und größere Achtung der Autorität); Institutionenvertrauen; wesentliche Merkmale der Demokratie; Bedeutung der Demokratie für den Befragten; Bewertung der Demokratie im eigenen Land; Zufriedenheit mit dem politischen System im Land; bevorzugte Art des politischen Systems (starker Führer, Expertenentscheidungen, Armee sollte das Land regieren, oder Demokratie); Wahlbeteiligung bei Wahlen auf lokaler, nationaler und europäischer Ebene; politische Partei mit der größten Anziehungskraft; andere politische Partei, die am besten gefällt; Bewertung der Wahlen des Landes (Stimmen werden fair ausgezählt, Oppositionskandidaten werden am Arbeiten gehindert, Fernsehnachrichten begünstigen die Regierungspartei, Wählerbestechung, faire Berichterstattung über Wahlen, faire Wahlbeamte, reiche Menschen kaufen Wahlen, Wähler werden von Gewalt bei den Wahlen bedroht); Meinung zum Recht auf Videoüberwachung in öffentlichen Bereichen, Überwachung aller E-Mails und aller anderen im Internet ausgetauschten Informationen, Sammeln von Informationen über jeden im Land ohne dessen Wissen; Interesse an Politik in den Medien; Besorgnis über die Lebensbedingungen der Menschen in der Nachbarschaft, der Menschen in der Region, der Landsleute, der Europäer, aller Menschen weltweit, älterer Menschen, Arbeitsloser, Einwanderer, kranker und behinderter Menschen; gesellschaftliche Ziele (Beseitigung von Einkommensungleichheiten, Grundsicherung für alle, Anerkennung von Menschen nach Verdiensten, Schutz vor Terrorismus).

6. Nationale Identität: Vertrauen in Menschen aus verschiedenen Gruppen (Nachbarschaft, persönlich bekannte Personen, Menschen, die man zum ersten Mal trifft, Menschen einer anderen Religion und Menschen einer anderen Nationalität); geografische Gruppe, der sich der Befragte zugehörig fühlt (Stadt, Region, Land, Europa, Welt); Staatsbürgerschaft; Nationalstolz; Bewertung des Einflusses von Einwanderern auf die Entwicklung des Landes; Einstellung gegenüber Einwanderern und ihren Bräuchen und Traditionen (Arbeitsplatzabbau, zunehmende Kriminalitätsprobleme, Belastung des Sozialsystems des Landes, ihre unterschiedlichen Bräuche und Traditionen erhalten vs. Bräuche übernehmen); wichtige Aspekte der nationalen Identität (im Land geboren worden zu sein, die politischen Institutionen und Gesetze des Landes zu respektieren, Abstammung des Landes, Landessprache sprechen, nationale Kultur teilen); wichtige Aspekte der europäischen Identität (in Europa geboren worden zu sein, europäische Abstammung, Christ sein, europäische Kultur teilen); Einstellung gegenüber der Erweiterung der Europäischen Union.

7. Umwelt: Einstellung zur Umwelt (Skala: Bereitschaft, einen Teil des eigenen Einkommens für die Umwelt zu geben, zu schwierig, viel für die Umwelt zu tun, wichtigere Dinge im Leben als der Umweltschutz, eigene Aktivitäten sind nutzlos, solange andere nicht das Gleiche für die Umwelt tun, Behauptungen über Umweltgefahren sind übertrieben); Schutz der Umwelt vs. Wirtschaftswachstum.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsjahr); im Land des Interviews geboren; Geburtsland; Einwanderungsjahr; aktueller rechtlicher Familienstand; Zusammenleben mit dem Partner vor der Heirat oder vor der Eintragung der Partnerschaft; Zusammenleben mit einem Partner; feste Beziehung; Zusammenleben mit Eltern oder Schwiegereltern; Anzahl der Kinder im Haushalt und außerhalb des Haushalts; Anzahl der Personen im Haushalt (Haushaltsgröße); Alter der jüngsten Person im Haushalt; Alter bei Abschluss der Ausbildung; höchster Bildungsgrad (ISCED 97); Beschäftigungsstatus; Beschäftigung oder Selbständigkeit in der letzten Beschäftigung; derzeitige oder letzte Haupttätigkeit; Beruf (ISCO-08, SIOPS-08, ISEI-08, ESEC-08, EGP-11); Anzahl der Mitarbeiter (Unternehmensgröße); Vorgesetztenfunktion und Anzahl der beaufsichtigten Personen; Berufssektor (Regierung oder öffentliche Einrichtung, Privatwirtschaft oder Industrie oder private gemeinnützige Einrichtung); Arbeitslosigkeit länger als drei Monate; Abhängigkeit von der sozialen Sicherung in den letzten fünf Jahren; Höhe des Haushaltseinkommens (wöchentlich, monatlich, jährlich).

Angaben zum Partner/Ehepartner: im Land des Interviews geboren; Geburtsland; höchster Bildungsstand (ISCED 97); Beschäftigungsstatus; Beschäftigung oder Selbständigkeit in der letzten Stelle; derzeitige oder letzte Haupttätigkeit; Beruf (ISCO-08, SIOPS-08, ISEI-08, ESEC-08, EGP-11); Anzahl der Mitarbeiter (Unternehmensgröße); Vorgesetztenfunktion und Anzahl der beaufsichtigten Personen.

Informationen über die Eltern des Befragten: Vater und Mutter im Land des Interviews geboren; Geburtsland von Vater und Mutter; Höhe des Haushaltseinkommens; höchster Bildungsstand von Vater und Mutter (ISCED 97); Beschäftigungsstatus von Vater und Mutter, als der Befragten 14 Jahre alt war; Berufsgruppe des Hauptverdieners im Alter von 14 Jahren; ; Charakterisierung der Eltern, als der Befragte 14 Jahre alt war (Skala: las gerne Bücher, diskutierte mit seinem Kind zu Hause über Politik, verfolgte gerne die Nachrichten, hatte Probleme, über die Runden zu kommen, hatte Probleme, kaputte Dinge zu ersetzen).

Interviewer-Rating: Interesse des Befragten während des Interviews.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Befragten-ID; Fallnummer-ID; Erhebungsjahr; Beginn und Ende der Feldarbeit (Jahr und Monat); Ländercode (ISO 3166); Länderkürzel (ISO 3166); Land und Jahr der Feldarbeit (ISO 3166); Art der Datenerhebung; Region (NUTS); Ortsgröße (NUTS); Interviewdatum; Uhrzeit des Interviews (Stunde und Minute des Beginns und des Endes); Sprache des Interviews; Interviewer-Nummer; Mixed mode and matrix design Variablen; Duplizierung von Fällen nach Zusammenführung von Haupt- und Add on Datensätzen; Flag-Variable: Inkonsistenzen; Flag-Variable: vollständiger/unvollständiger Fall; monatliches Haushaltsnettoeinkommen (x1000), korrigiert um ppp in Euro; Gewichtungsfaktoren.

In diesem nationalen Datensatz sind weitere länderspezifische Variablen enthalten.

Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrage-Forschungsprogramm zu der Frage, wie Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Zahl von Ländern wiederholt und bietet Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.

Wie die vorhergehenden Erhebungen in den Jahren 1981, 1990, 1999 und 2008 konzentriert sich auch die fünfte EVS-Welle weiterhin auf ein breites Spektrum von Werten. Die Fragen sind zwischen den Wellen und Regionen in hohem Maße vergleichbar, so dass sich der EVS für Forschungsarbeiten zur Untersuchung von Trends im Zeitverlauf eignet.

Mit der neuen Welle wurden die methodischen Standards gestärkt. Das full release des EVS 2017 enthält Daten und Dokumentationen von insgesamt 37 teilnehmenden Ländern. Weitere Informationen finden Sie auf der Website des EVS.

Themen: einheitliche Befragtennummer; Ländercode (ISO 3166-1 numerischer Code); Länderkürzel (ISO 3166-1 Alpha-2-Code); Land und Jahr der Feldarbeit (ISO 3166-1 numerischer Code); Art des Berufs der Befragten - 3-stelliger ISCO08-Code; Art des Berufs des Ehegatten/Partners - 3-stelliger ISCO08-Code; Region, in der das Interview durchgeführt wurde: NUTS-3-Code; Region, in der das Interview durchgeführt wurde: ISO_NUTS-3-Code; Größe der Stadt, in der das Interview durchgeführt wurde.

Situated in a fertile low-lying river delta, Bangladesh combines high vulnerability to floods, tropical cyclones, earthquakes, and climate change with one of the world's highest population densities, with around 159 million people living in less than 150,000 sq. km. With the world's second lowest per capita income in 1975, it was labeled 'the test case for development' in view of the formidable development challenges it faced. Nevertheless, Bangladesh has proven to be remarkably resilient, developing well beyond initial expectations, and has made very good progress with poverty reduction. GNI per capita has grown from around US$100 in 1972 to US$1,314 in 2015, and the country crossed the World Bank threshold for the lower-middle-income group in 2015. As highlighted in the Seventh Five Year Plan background paper on ending extreme poverty, the agricultural labor market in Bangladesh tightened significantly in the decade of 2000s, which led to an increase in the real agricultural wage rate. Three main channels were the primary contributors: (a) relocation of farm labor to rural non-farm sectors; (b) relocation of rural labor to urban activities through the 'pull effects' of urbanization, creating employment opportunities for the extreme poor in labor-intensive construction and transport activities; and (c) jobs for the poor created in the manufacturing sector. Robust inflows of remittances from overseas workers contributed to spurring the creation of non-farm employment opportunities in rural areas.