Suchergebnisse

2015 yılında patlak veren mülteci krizi, bugün birçok ülkenin hem dış işlerinde hem de iç işlerinde birçok karışıklığa ve politika değişikliklerine sebebiyet vermiştir. Mülteci krizinin odağındaki AB, 2015 yılı itibari ile mülteci krizinin yan etkilerini en çok hisseden birlik olmuştur. Avrupa'nın vatandaşları için yıllardır kurmaya çalıştığı özgürlük ve birlik sınırlarının mülteci akınına uğraması sonucunda sahip olduğu ortak kimlik, tehdit altında kalmıştır.İnsanların oluşturduğu mevcut sistem, yine insanlar tarafından oluşturulan devletlerin etkileşimi sonucu ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu bağlamda sosyal inşacılık uluslararası ilişkiler konusuna, toplumsal nitelik kazanmış düşünceler bağlamında yaklaşarak onu toplumsal çerçevede ele almaktadır. Günümüzde oldukça önemli bir konu haline gelen göçmen krizi ve bu krizin AB'ye olan etkileri sosyal kimlik ve yapısalcılık bağlamında ele alınarak değerlendirilmektedir. AB sosyal inşacılık ile birlikte ortak bir geçmişe ve kültüre sahip olan vatandaşlarını birleştirerek tek bir çatı altında toplamıştır. Mevcut kimliğini koruma amacıyla varlığını bir birlik altında varlığını sürdüren Avrupa, bu kimliğini kaybetmemek adına çeşitli önlemler alarak mülteci krizine çözümler üretmeye çalışmaktadır. --- The refugee crisis that broke out in 2015 has caused a lot of confusion and policy changes in many foreign countries as well as domestic affairs. The EU, which is in the center of the refugee crisis, has been an union that has been feeling the side effects of the refugee crisis the most, since 2015. As a result of the influx of refugees, the freedom and unity that European Union has been trying to establish for its citizens over the years as well as its identity have been threatened.The existing system created by people is the result of the interaction of states created by the people. In this context, social constructivism deals with the issue of international relations in the context of socially acquired ideas and approaches in the social framework. The migratory crisis that has become an important issue in the present day and the effects of this crisis on the EU are evaluated in the context of social.Together with the social construction, the EU has united its citizens, who have a common past and culture, under one roof. In order to preserve its identity, EU continues its existence under one unity and tries to produce solutions to the refugee crisis by taking various measures in order not to lose this identity. In this regard, the present study examines the effects of the recent refugee crisis on the European identity.

Publication date: 4 February 2019 ; The purpose of this paper is to assess the plausibility of four different mid-term paths of development of the European Union (EU): first, a political union or a European state; second, a differentiated and flexible integration of the polity; third, a covert and deepening integration of the polity outside of the political arenas; fourth, the disintegration and/or dissolution of the EU through the exit of individual members or a joint decision to terminate the union. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses strategic interaction analysis to identify the plausibility of each of these four possible outcomes. By systematically varying the relevant actors', i.e. European Council's and member states', the European Parliament's, the Commission's, preferences over outcomes while holding constant institutional rules of decision making on the one hand, and systematically varying institutional rules on the other while holdings actors' preferences constant, the paper comes to the conclusion that differentiated and flexible integration and covert integration are the most plausible mid-term paths of development. Findings The paper finds that neither a European state or deep political union nor a disintegration or even dissolution of the EU is the most plausible path of development. Rather, it concludes that flexible and differentiated integration as well as covert integration outside the political arenas are the most likely developments. However, it also draws attention to the political costs of flexible and differentiated integration which does not allow for an overall view of political and policy issues negotiated at one political table, limiting the scope of compromise formation and even leading to a fragmented polity. Covert integration consisting of mechanisms of hidden integration "invisible" to the wider public may lead to a democratic backlash, once citizens realize that integration has considerably deepened without their being aware of it. Originality/value Most publications regarding the future development of the EU are normatively driven, either conjuring an imminent disintegration, or invoking the necessity of a deepening integration leading to a political union. This paper, by contrast, seeks to assess the likely further development based on empirically identified factors and a logical argument.

Background Representative and reliable data on health and health determinants of the population and population sub-groups are needed for evidence-informed policy making; planning and evaluation of prevention programmes; and research. Health examination surveys (HESs) including questionnaires, objective health measurements and analysis of biological samples, provide information on many health indicators that are available not at all or less reliably or completely through administrative registers or health interview surveys. Methods Standardized cross-sectional HESs were already conducted in the 1980's and 1990's, in the framework of the WHO MONICA Project. The methodology was developed and finally, in 2010–2012, a European Health Examination Survey (EHES) Pilot Project was conducted. During this pilot phase, an EHES Coordinating Centre (EHES CC, formerly EHES Reference Centre) was established. Standardized protocols, guidelines and quality control procedures were prepared and tested in 12 countries which conducted pilot surveys, demonstrating the feasibility of standardized HES data collection in the European Union (EU). Currently, the EHES CC operates at the National Institute for Health and Welfare (THL), Finland. Its activities include maintaining and developing the standardized protocols, guidelines and training programme; maintaining the EHES network; providing professional support for countries planning and organizing their national HESs; external quality assessment for surveys organized in the EU Member States; and development of a centralized database and joint reporting system for HES data. Results An increasing number of EU Member States are conducting national HESs, demonstrating a strong need for such surveys as part of the national health monitoring systems. Standardization of the data collection is essential to ensure that HES data are comparable across countries and over time. The work of the EHES CC helps to ensure the quality and comparability of HES data across the EU. Conclusions HES data have been used for health monitoring and identifying public health problems; to develop health and prevention programmes; to support health policies and preparation of health-related legislation and regulations; and to develop clinical treatment guidelines and population reference values. HESs have also been utilized to prepare health measurement tools and diagnostic methods; in training and research and to increase health awareness among population. ; published version ; peerReviewed

BACKGROUND: EU Decision 1082/2013/EU on serious cross-border health threats provides a legal basis for collaboration between EU Member States, and between international and European level institutions on preparedness, prevention, and mitigation in the event of a public health emergency. The Decision provides a context for the present study, which aims to identify good practices and lessons learned in preparedness and response to Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) (in UK, Greece, and Spain) and poliomyelitis (in Poland and Cyprus). METHODS: Based on a documentary review, followed by five week-long country visits involving a total of 61 interviews and group discussions with experts from both the health and non-health sectors, this qualitative case study has investigated six issues related to preparedness and response to MERS and poliomyelitis: national plans and overall preparedness capacity; training and exercises; risk communication; linking policy and implementation; interoperability between the health and non-health sectors; and cross-border collaboration. RESULTS: Preparedness and response plans for MERS and poliomyelitis were in place in the participating countries, with a high level of technical expertise available to implement them. Nevertheless, formal evaluation of the responses to previous public health emergencies have sometimes been limited, so lessons learned may not be reflected in updated plans, thereby risking mistakes being repeated in future. The nature and extent of inter-sectoral collaboration varied according to the sectors involved, with those sectors that have traditionally had good collaboration (e.g. animal health and food safety), as well as those that have a financial incentive for controlling infectious diseases (e.g. agriculture, tourism, and air travel) seen as most likely to have integrated public health preparedness and response plans. Although the formal protocols for inter-sectoral collaboration were not always up to date, good personal relations were reported within the relevant professional networks, which could be brought into play in the event of a public health emergency. Cross-border collaboration was greatly facilitated if the neighbouring country was a fellow EU Member State. CONCLUSIONS: Infectious disease outbreaks remain as an ongoing threat. Efforts are required to ensure that core public health capacities for the full range of preparedness and response activities are sustained.

Background: EU Decision 1082/2013/EU on serious cross-border health threats provides a legal basis for collaboration between EU Member States, and between international and European level institutions on preparedness, prevention, and mitigation in the event of a public health emergency. The Decision provides a context for the present study, which aims to identify good practices and lessons learned in preparedness and response to Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS) (in UK, Greece, and Spain) and poliomyelitis (in Poland and Cyprus). Methods: Based on a documentary review, followed by five week-long country visits involving a total of 61 interviews and group discussions with experts from both the health and non-health sectors, this qualitative case study has investigated six issues related to preparedness and response to MERS and poliomyelitis: national plans and overall preparedness capacity; training and exercises; risk communication; linking policy and implementation; interoperability between the health and non-health sectors; and cross-border collaboration. Results: Preparedness and response plans for MERS and poliomyelitis were in place in the participating countries, with a high level of technical expertise available to implement them. Nevertheless, formal evaluation of the responses to previous public health emergencies have sometimes been limited, so lessons learned may not be reflected in updated plans, thereby risking mistakes being repeated in future. The nature and extent of inter-sectoral collaboration varied according to the sectors involved, with those sectors that have traditionally had good collaboration (e.g. animal health and food safety), as well as those that have a financial incentive for controlling infectious diseases (e.g. agriculture, tourism, and air travel) seen as most likely to have integrated public health preparedness and response plans. Although the formal protocols for inter-sectoral collaboration were not always up to date, good personal relations were reported within the relevant professional networks, which could be brought into play in the event of a public health emergency. Cross-border collaboration was greatly facilitated if the neighbouring country was a fellow EU Member State. Conclusions: Infectious disease outbreaks remain as an ongoing threat. Efforts are required to ensure that core public health capacities for the full range of preparedness and response activities are sustained. ; This work was funded under the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control's Framework Contract Number ECDC/2014/005.

Nowadays regionalization and integration are key trends in international relations. The creation of alliances and international organizations and the establishment of contractual relations in various spheres have acquired global dimensions. Among such prominent integration groupings as the EU, ASEAN, APEC, NAfTa, MERCOSUR, the African Union and others, one of the most ambitious is the project of the Eurasian Union, which is aimed at the economic, cultural and political integration of states in the CIS area. The evolution of the EAU from idea to the main stages of implementation took quite a lot of time. The modern political initiative proceeding from the leaders of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus represents a mature legal form, which actually reflects the historically prevalent tendency of the post-Soviet peoples to associate with each other. The successful functioning of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space were preconditions to the project of the Eurasian Union. The Union State of Russia and Belarus and Organization of the Collective Security Treaty associations played a particular role in structuring the EAU. Today the establishment of the Union has become one of the defining trends of Russian policy. The basic stages of integration are completed; however, a large number of the economic and political challenges of the future EAU are still to be faced. One of the stumbling blocks is the problem of choosing the model of the future Eurasian diplomacy. The appearance of the chosen model is actually confronted with inevitable and sometimes unforeseen obstacles. The integration experience of other international organizations (primarily in legal, diplomatic and economic spheres) will help to overcome them. In particular, considerable experience has been gained by the European Union. Despite a number of political, cultural and economic constraints, the possibility of transferring the EU diplomatic system to the EAU can't be rejected. The EAU establishment through the legal, economic and political mechanisms used by the EU in elaborating its diplomatic system may lead to a unique system of diplomatic cooperation. The EU experience analysis and the possibility to prevent its mistakes will allow the EAU to make use of the existing integration, political and economic resources more efficiently on its way toward establishment.

Abstract: EU data protection law is undergoing a process of reform to meet the challenges of the modern economy and rapid technological developments. This study re-conceptualizes data protection in the EU in light of the enactment of the Treaty of Lisbon and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU. It focuses on data subjects' consent as a key component of data processing legislation - alongside the principles of purpose specification and data quality - to reinforce the view that it is a necessary, though not sufficient, tool to guarantee the declared high level of protection of individuals. To prevent confusion, conflation, or abuse of consent and safeguard the fundamental values to which it is tied, this paper puts forward that additional legal constraints and qualifications would be necessary for the enhancement of its application and enforcement. Soft or libertarian paternalism may be the key to nudge individuals towards the desired social outcome while preserving their individual autonomy. The ultimate suggestion is that EU policy makers should take rights seriously and not be seduced by and surrender to conflicting economic interests. Résumé: La loi européenne sur la protection des données est en train de subir un ensemble de réformes afin de pouvoir faire face aux défis de l´économie moderne et des développements technologiques rapides. La présente étude re-conceptualise la protection des données dans l´UE à la lumière de l´adoption du Traité de Lisbonne et de la Charte des Droits Fondamentaux de l´UE. Elle se concentre sur le principe du consentement comme étant un composant-clé de la législation sur le traitement des données pour renforcer l´idée qu´il est un instrument nécessaire, bien qu´insuffisant, pour garantir le niveau dit élévé de protection des individus. Afin de prévenir la confusion, l'amalgame ou l'abus de consentementet de sauvegarder les valeurs fondamentales auxquelles il est lié, le présent article indique que des contraintes et des qualifications legislatives supplémentaires seraient nécessaires pour l'amélioration de son application et de son exécution. Un paternalisme souple ou libertaire pourrait être la solutionpour amener des individus vers le résultat social désiré tout en préservant leur autonomie individuelle. La dernière suggestion est de convaincre les décideurs de l´UE de prendre les droits au sérieux et dene pas se laisser séduire, ou soumettre, par des intérêts économiques incompatibles.

Kopš Eiropas Savienības dibināšanas, tās darbība ir orientēta uz patstāvīgu paplašināšanos, orientējoties uz jaunu dalībvalstu pievienošanos. Paplašināšanās ir notikusi vairākos posmos, ko arī autors ir pētījis šajā darbā. Plašāku izpēti un analīzi autors ir veicis par piekto Eiropas Savienības paplašināšanos (2004 un 2007), ar šī perioda jauno dalībvalstu īsu pieredzes aprakstu, kā arī demokrātisko un ekonomisko reformu procesu ietekmi uz šīm valstīm. Tomēr šajā darbā plašāku pētījumu autors veica par Bulgārijas un Rumānijas pievienošanos Eiropas Savienībai, apskatot pamata trūkumus un priekšrocības. Pētījuma mērķis ir raksturot Melnkalnes integrēšanās Eiropas Savienībā tendences un perspektīvas, kā arī to ietekme uz Rietumbalkānu valstīm. Integrācijas process ES, kā viena no stratēģiskajām ārpolitikas un attīstības prioritātēm, atspoguļojas visos reformu procesos valstī, nosakot to pamatstruktūru un dinamiku. Paredzams, ka Melnkalne, kopā ar pārējām valstīm Rietumbalkānu reģionā, kuras plāno kļūt par ES dalībvalstīm, uzmanību pievērsīs visaptverošai dažādu ekonomisko politiku un to instrumentu saskaņošanai, kā arī vispārīgai ekonomiskai attīsīvai. Atslēgas vārdi: Melnkalne, pievienošanās ES, piektā paplašināšanās, Stabilizācijas un Sadarbības nolīgums, Kopenhāgenas kritēriji, ekonomiskā ietekme, Rietumbalkānu valstis. ; Since its foundation, the European Union has been in the constant enlargement process to new members that has been done in several phases presented in this paper. A special emphasis is on analysis of the fifth, great enlargement of the Union (2004 and 2007), with a brief review of experiences of all countries, as well as the effects of the process itself on democratic and economic reforms in these countries. However, more attention was paid to Bulgaria and Romania joining the EU including the background of drawbacks and benefits. Research subject in this paper is analysis of trends and perspective of EU integration in Montenegro with their impact on Western Balkan countries. The EU integration process, as the key strategic foreign policy and development priority of Montenegro, is reflected to all reform processes in the country, determining their basic structure and dynamic of change. It is expected that Montenegro, together with other countries in the West Balkan region that are to become EU members, will draw a lesson from a comprehensive insight into relationships between specific economic policies and their instruments, as well as overall economic development. Key words: Montenegro, accession to European Union, the Fifth Enlargement, Stabilization and Association Agreement, Copenhagen criteria, Economic impact, Western Balkan countries.

Policies of the European Union are of growing importance for spatial structures and the state of the environment within the member states of the EU. The reasons can be found firstly in the Structural Funds and secondly in the ruling competencies the EU has acquired in many fields of spatial and environmental relevance. Furthermore some specific instruments for spatial and regional development have been elaborated in recent years which are, however, legally not binding, at least if they focus on conceptual or planning aspects. As - in accordance with article 6 of the treaty of Amsterdam - "environmental protection requirements must be integrated into the definition and implementation of the Community policies and activities", the question arises to which extent the goals of the Community's environmental policies have already been integrated into European spatial development policies. Furthermore it was intended to investigate whether the approaches on the European level can be used to foster sustainable urban and regional development in the member states, e. g. in Germany. On the one hand six instruments in the field of spatial and urban development have been analysed comparatively. On the other hand the results have been achieved by case studies in which examples of implementation processes and projects have been evaluated. The cases were selected from the Community initiatives INTERREG II (track A and C) and URBAN. The criteria for the evaluation of instruments and cases have been integrated into a profile of environmental requirements, based on environmental policy documents of the EU. The evaluation of framework documents showed that the goals of environmental policies of the Community are already taken into account in European spatial policies. The best examples in this regard are the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), the "Action Plan for Sustainable Urban Development" as well as the Community initiatives INTERREG III B and URBAN II. The in-depth case studies led to the result that the analysed Community initiatives offer much room to realise environmental goals which is not always used adequately by local authorities and NGO's. Therefore the position of environmental stakeholders should be reinforced in the processes of program planning and approval. Moreover the instruments at EU-level should be linked more closely with related instruments at national level, e. g. local agenda 21 or regional development concepts.

Die vorliegende Dissertation ist die erste weiterer vergebener Dissertationen mit gleichen Themen, aber jeweils anderen Staaten, die im Rahmen eines größeren Forschungsprojekts des Instituts für Internationale Politik, Sicherheitspolitik, Wehr- und Völkerrecht der Universität der Bundeswehr München von dessen Leiter, Univ.- Prof. Dr. iur. utr. Armin A. Steinkamm, vergeben worden sind. Hintergrund des Forschungsprojekts sind die Bemühungen, Probleme in der Zusammenarbeit multinationaler Verbände im Rahmen der NATO beziehungsweise (insbesondere künftig) der WEU/EU, aber auch im Rahmen internationaler Einsätze unter dem Mandat der UN, OSZE u.a. zu reduzieren. Letztlich geht es langfristig um eine Harmonisierung der Wehrrechtssysteme, insbesondere in den EU- und NATO-Staaten. Mit Blick auf diese Intentionen werden die Wehrrechtssysteme Österreichs und Deutschlands vergleichend gegenübergestellt. Unter Berücksichtigung der jeweiligen historischen, politischen sowie staats- und verfassungsrechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen untersucht die Arbeit die wesentlichen Rechtsvorschriften beider Länder, die die Einordnung der Streitkräfte in die staatliche Ordnung und die Stellung der Soldaten in und zu den Streitkräften regeln. Schwerpunktmäßig wird auf die Aufgaben der Streitkräfte, die Rechte und Pflichten der Soldaten, das Befehlsrecht und die Grenzen der Gehorsamspflicht, die Sanktionsmöglichkeiten des Staates gegen soldatische Normverstöße sowie die soldatischen Rechtsschutzmöglichkeiten eingegangen. ; The present dissertation is the first of several dissertations - dealing with the same subject but focussing on different states - which were assigned by Univ.-Prof. Dr. iur. utr. Armin A. Steinkamm, Director of the Institute for International Politics, Security Policy, Military Law and International Law at the Bundeswehr University in Munich, as part of a major research project at the Institute. The research project is being conducted against a background of efforts to reduce problems in the cooperation between multinational units operating within NATO and (particularly in future) the WEU/EU, and also within the framework of international military operations under the mandate of the UN, OSCE, etc. The long-term objective is to harmonise the systems of military law, particularly those of the EU and NATO states. With these intentions in mind, a comparison is made between the systems of military law in Austria and Germany. Taking the two countries respective historical, political and constitutional conditions into account, the paper examines the most important legal stipulations governing the integration of the armed forces into the state order in both countries, together with the position of the servicemen within, and in relation to, their respective armed forces. The paper places particular emphasis on the tasks of the armed forces, the rights and duties of the servicemen, the right to issue orders, the limits to the duty of obedience, the scope for state sanctions against violations of rules by servicemen and the possibility of legal protection for those servicemen.

For the first time in its modern history the entire Balkan Peninsula has the opportunity to co-exist under one security and developmental umbrella combining NATO and the European Union (EU). Unfortunately, European and American leaders have been unable to complete such a unique historic vision, while the progress of several Western Balkan countries continues to be undermined by a plethora of political, social, economic, ethnic, and national disputes. This monograph focuses on the escalating security challenges facing the Western Balkans, assesses the shortcomings and deficiencies of current international engagement, considers future prospects for U.S. military involvement, and offers recommendations for curtailing conflict and promoting the region's international institutional integration. In particular, to prevent the future deployment of U.S. forces, more comprehensive strategic intelligence gathering is needed, together with the identification of local and foreign political actors promoting instability, early warning signals regarding impending conflicts, and a commitment to incorporate all countries in the region into NATO and the EU. ; "May 2013." ; Includes bibliographical references (pages 166-191). ; I. Introduction : uncertain futures -- II. Serbian aspirations -- III. Bosniak national revival -- IV. Regional Albanianism -- V. Macedonian impasse -- VI. International deficiencies -- VII. West Balkan conflicts : causes and consequences -- VIII. Policy recommendations. ; For the first time in its modern history the entire Balkan Peninsula has the opportunity to co-exist under one security and developmental umbrella combining NATO and the European Union (EU). Unfortunately, European and American leaders have been unable to complete such a unique historic vision, while the progress of several Western Balkan countries continues to be undermined by a plethora of political, social, economic, ethnic, and national disputes. This monograph focuses on the escalating security challenges facing the Western Balkans, assesses the shortcomings and deficiencies of current international engagement, considers future prospects for U.S. military involvement, and offers recommendations for curtailing conflict and promoting the region's international institutional integration. In particular, to prevent the future deployment of U.S. forces, more comprehensive strategic intelligence gathering is needed, together with the identification of local and foreign political actors promoting instability, early warning signals regarding impending conflicts, and a commitment to incorporate all countries in the region into NATO and the EU. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Over the last decade European Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been one of the weakest links of European integration. While the member states proceeded with uncoordinated cuts in their defence budgets, Europe's political energy was almost totally absorbed by the euro crisis. It has taken a radically changing global and regional environment, characterized by hybrid threats and a blurring divide between internal and external security, to make the CSDP a political priority for the European Union again. With the new Global Strategy (2016) and its implementation package, the EU institutions have - remarkably effectively - opened the door to a European Defence Union and eventually - in the long run - a European Army. It is now up to the member states to decide how they want to achieve strategic autonomy, but at the same time ensure that the European Union retains its identity as a soft power. This book offers insights into the political, academic and public debates on European defence and a more robust CSDP. It provides data and trends on defence spending, modernisation and multilateral cooperation for each member state and identifies the central forces shaping national and European security and defence policy. At the same time it highlights how much has already been achieved and provides concrete recommendations for the next steps towards European strategic autonomy.--

При формировании теоретической базы первейшей задачей является прояснение понятий и уточнение терминов. В практической деятельности социальной сферы набор базовых понятий ограничен, однако ни одно из них не имеет четкого, общепринятого понимания. Законодательное оформление регулирующего воздействия в любой сфере деятельности сознательно или неосознанно базируется на выработанных в науке представлениях, и законодатели оперируют набором терминов, принятых в соответствующей сфере знаний. Уточнение основных понятий в социальной сфере может способствовать расстановке приоритетов в государственной социальной политике, поскольку определение ключевых терминов связано с выбором модели социальной политики государства. Проблема выбора между «эффективностью» и «справедливостью» в социальной политике является актуальной для России в условиях проходящей экономической трансформации. ; Clarification of terms and definitions is the first item on the agenda when forming a theoretical base. The set of basic terms in social welfare is quite limited; however, none of them has a clear and generally accepted meaning or definition. The legal regulation in any sphere of social life is always based (knowingly, or unconsciously) on concepts and terms developed by theorists, and legislators utilize the set of terms and definitions agreed upon within a specific area of knowledge. Giving more precise definitions of the social welfare key concepts presumably facilitates priority-setting in the government welfare policy since the key terms are closely associated with the choice of the government welfare model. Under the current economic situation in Russia, the trade-off between efficiency and equity presents one of the major challenges in social policy.

Затрагивается проблема проведения пенсионных реформ в европейских странах на рубеже XX-XXI веков. Приводятся аргументы за и против проведения подобных реформ, являющихся одной из главных составных частей всего социального реформирования. Автор приводит некоторые статистические, социологические и фактические данные о плюсах и минусах пенсионной реформы в ряде европейских государств. Красной нитью всей статьи является мысль о том, что проведение широких социальных реформ а реформа пенсионной системы в любой стране является именно таковой невозможно без достижения социального соглашения всех заинтересованных сторон правительства, самих трудящихся, корпораций предпринимателей, профсоюзов, средств массовой информации, учёных-социологов, оппозиционных и нейтральных правительству политических партий, иных общественных организаций. ; Addressing the issues of pension reform in Europe at the turn of XX-XXI centuries. Arguments for and against such reforms, which are one of the major components of the social reforms. The author gives some statistical, sociological and evidence about the pros and cons of the pension reform in a number of European countries. The common thread throughout the paper is the idea that the broad-based social reform a reform of the pension system in any country is it such is impossible without reaching the social agreement of all stakeholders the government, the workers themselves, entrepreneurs, corporations, trade unions, the media, scientists -sociologists, opposition and neutral government political parties and other public organizations.