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The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

6. The article examines the processes of differentiation that have strengthened in the Russian society during the recent years and analyses in what social groups the processes of mobility are the most intensive. The author identifies the factors influencing the direction and intensity of mobility, and describes the social characteristics of groups with different directions of mobility. The article's statement is that there is a connection between the status dynamics and assessments of the political and economic situation in Russia. ; 6. The article examines the processes of differentiation that have strengthened in the Russian society during the recent years and analyses in what social groups the processes of mobility are the most intensive. The author identifies the factors influencing the direction and intensity of mobility, and describes the social characteristics of groups with different directions of mobility. The article's statement is that there is a connection between the status dynamics and assessments of the political and economic situation in Russia.

Examines the "jus in bello" prohibition against injuring and killing innocents; argues that only individuals who actively and directly engage in conflict may be classified as combatants, only "unjustifiable combatants" waging a war of aggression can be targeted, and all others are noncombatants. Noncombatants include the aggressor nation's military, political elite, munitions workers, and others; issues include morality, self-defense, national defense, and retribution.

WHAT CONCEPTION OF CAUSALITY IS PRESUPPOSED WHEN THE DISCURSIVE CONSTITUTION OF IDENTITY IS AFFIRMED? IS THE SUBJECT OF LATE MODERNITY PRODUCED? GENERATED? INSCRIBED? CONSTRUCTED? DEFINED? FORMED? THESE TERMS, WHICH ARE INDISCRIMINATELY EMPLOYED IN MUCH RECENT FEMINIST THEORY, EVOKE QUITE DIFFERENT UNDERSTANDINGS OF CAUSAL EFFICACY AND, HENCE, QUITE DIFFERENT ACCOUNTS OF HOW SPECIFICALLY GENDERED IDENTITIES ARE FASHIONED. THE AUTHOR EXPLORES ARGUMENTS ADVANCED BY JUDITH BUTLER IN "GENDER TROUBLE" AND "BODIES THAT MATTER." IN THE FORMER, BUTLER'S UNRECOGNIZED RELIANCE ON A MECHANISTIC IDIOM OF CAUSALITY VITIATES HER GENEALOGICAL CRITIQUE OF THE HUMANIST SUBJECT. IN THE LATTER, MORE ELLIPTICALLY THAN CONCLUSIVELY, BUTLER PROPOSES A CRITICAL REAPPROPRIATION OF THE ARISTOTELIAN IDIOM OF FORM AND MATTER. BUILDING ON THIS, THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT AN ORGANIC IDIOM OF CAUSALITY, ALTHOUGH NOT WITHOUT PROBLEMS, IS BETTER EQUIPPED THAN ITS CARTESIAN COUNTERPART TO MAKE SENSE OF THE BODY'S IMMANENT IMPLICATION IN THE PROCESSES BY WHICH IT BECOMES A GENDERED SUBJECT. SHE CONSIDERS THE IMPLICATIONS OF THESE TWO IDIOMS OF CAUSALITY FOR SCHOLARLY UNDERSTANDING OF POLITICAL AGENCY.

The article analyzes the intergenerational relations in the formation of the Lithuanian state. The author claims that the paradox of Singing Revolution is that the activists of the movement were not from the younger generations. Rather, youth played a limited role not only in the revolutionary movements but also in the later political life. The author attempts to understand the orientations of behaviour through an analysis of the processes of socialization. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama kartų sąveika Lietuvos valstybės atkūrime. Galbūt didžiausias "dainuojančiosios revoliucijos" paradoksas yra tas, kad ją inicijavo bei vadovavo, aktyviausiai plėtojo ir rėmė ne tiek jaunimas, kiek (ir dažniausiai) pagyvenę, t.y. jau praėję aktyviausią savo gyvenimo fazę, žmonės, kurių nuostatos ir požiūriai į socialinę ir istorinę tikrovę, atrodytų, jau susiklostę ir nusistovėję. Jaunimo dalyvavimas apsiribojo iš esmės pasyviu pritarimu ir susilaikančiu abejingumu vėlesniems politiniams sutrikimams ir lūžiams Lietuvoje. Tokia elgesio orientacija - nėra atsitiktinumas, nukrypimas ar sociumo raidos anomalija, bet simptomas, sąlygotas ankstesnių laikotarpių mūsų visuomenėje susiklosčiusios skirtingų kartų socializacijos ypatybių.

Arianna Huffington is a prolific author and international media mogul who started the award-winning news platform The Huffington Post. Born on July 15, 1950, in Athens, Greece, Arianna Huffington went on to study economics at the University of Cambridge, eventually moving to the United States. She was a conservative commentator before switching to liberal politics and started the Web site The Huffington Post in 2005. The site, purchased by AOL in 2011, has gone on to become a popular and powerful online news platform. Huffington is also the author of more than a dozen books on topics ranging from feminism to corporate America to politics. In 2016, Huffington annnounced her departure from The Huffington Post to launch Thrive Global, a start-up company dedicated to health and wellness. Huffington was initially known for her conservative political views and commentary, and she made regular television appearances to support her standpoints. But she eventually began to embrace more left-leaning platforms, including ecological activism and corporate reform.

During the Autumn of 1991 the author became involved in a process of "conscientization" (awakened critical consciousness) as she sought to gain understanding of herself, of other black women managers and the realities of their status and positions in organizations, and UK society at large. The author, a Black British woman manager and educator of Afro‐Caribbean origin, shares her particular reflections on her personal management learning process ‐ a journey towards self‐knowledge and "liberation" unleashing blocked potential. The reflections are primarily intended to provide black managers and professionals ‐ past, present and potential seekers ‐ with a vicarious experience of important challenges encountered; an attempt at "theorizing our experience". The reflections are also intended for white managers who seek better intercultural understanding and relationships in the workplace. Important challenges included the identification of an appropriate research methodology for researching and understanding the black experience. Outlines the author's process of identifying strategies for overcoming the fear of addressing and confronting the issues of race and "silence" in the workplace.

This Note analyzes the enormous burden that the Czech Republic faces in its transition from a command to a market economy. Part of the burden is the privatization of real property. Toward privatization, the government of the Czech Republic has thus far focused its resources on allocating real property to private parties through the process of restitution. Technically, title to real property in the Czech Republic has always been held by private parties, but such ownership was meaningless because the state had virtually limitless power to use the property. The author recognizes that unless the Czech government develops substantive real property law, it will remain unclear whether privatization is really being accomplished or whether restitution merely achieves the transfer of the same hollow ownership rights. The author concludes that the Czech government should allocate resources to the development of a relatively well-defined system of real property law to ensure genuine privatization of real property and to encourage foreign investment in the Czech Republic.

The author suggests that the Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly America's) strategic interests, both regional & global. Numerous political constellations that have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained away if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia & Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the Western interest sphere & the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In southeastern Europe, Russia has proved to be America's sole strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike on its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia & Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment, which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights, & multiculturalism. The author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West, which would enable it to accomplish its national interests. Adapted from the source document.

The author suggests that Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly American) strategic interests, both regional and global. Numerous political constellations which have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the western interest sphere and the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In Southeastern Europe, Russia has proved the sole American strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike o its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights and multiculturalism. author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West which would enable it to accomplish ist national interests. (SOI : PM: S. 156)

The author emphasizes the significance of the legacy of the past, which in all periods of radical change greatly restricts the elbow room of political protagonists, but at the same time enables them to work out their programs in relation to that legacy. One of the most important elements of the legacy of political development of the last 200 years is the state as we know it. The state is a non-abolishable institution that (particularly in the 20th century) has achieved contrary results: on the one hand, it has been the breeding pit of conflicts, destruction, & large-scale repression; while on the other, it has contributed immensely to the development of society. Leftist parties cannot negate the state but can develop some new mechanisms of controlling it. The author is of the opinion that the new developments will be threefold: deconcentration of the state apparatus; the professionalization & reduction of armies & the ensuing changes; & the integration of the state in supranational organizations. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

Decisions about taxation and government spending have great political significance: they affect the distribution of income and wealth and the nature and degree of class, gender and other social inequalities. However, tax and budgetary issues are frequently constructed as technical matters that can be resolved rationally according to economic, mathematical or other ostensibly neutral principles. The author examines the debate around budget deficits and recent sex equality challenges to the income tax system, and argues that both illustrate how technical discourses tend to deny the normative content of fiscal law and policy and to disqualify political opposition to the prevailing fiscal order as irrational, ideological and inexpert. The paper concludes by examining the discursive strategies of feminists and others interested in fiscal change. The author considers how feminists might respond to, and even harness, the power of technical knowledge in struggling for tax and expenditure reforms while also challenging the oppressive features and depoliticizing tendencies of such discourses.

AbstractDecisions about taxation and government spending have great political significance: they affect the distribution of income and wealth and the nature and degree of class, gender and other social inequalities. However, tax and budgetary issues are frequently constructed as technical matters that can be resolved rationally according to economic, mathematical or other ostensibly neutral principles. The author examines the debate around budget deficits and recent sex equality challenges to the income tax system, and argues that both illustrate how technical discourses tend to deny the normative content of fiscal law and policy and to disqualify political opposition to the prevailing fiscal order as irrational, ideological and inexpert. The paper concludes by examining the discursive strategies of feminists and others interested in fiscal change. The author considers how feminists might respond to, and even harness, the power of technical knowledges in struggling for tax and expenditure reforms while also challenging the oppressive features and depoliticizing tendencies of such discourses.

Within science and technology studies, few approaches have generated more contention—or more misunderstanding—than the "actor-network" analyses of Callon, Latour, and Law. Although many have taken critical issue with this approach, few studies have engaged the strengths and weaknesses of actor-network theory on its own terms. This article presents two arguments that constitute a critical engagement across (rather than against) actor-network terrain. First, the author suggests that the confusion surrounding actor-network accounts lies partially in the ambiguous role played by "social context" and argues for the political and explanatory importance of resketching the boundaries between the laboratory and society. Second, the author argues that a semiotic perspective is not necessarily an exclusive one and that different ways of telling stories about technoscientific practice can be combined usefully. These arguments are illustrated with a mostly Latourian account of the development of the STR Mark-I, the world's first "fully engineered" nuclear reactor.