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AbstractThis paper discusses research by the author on women and cooperatives in India. The findings are supplemented by information from preliminary research by the author on a number of other cooperatives in which women were involved and from secondary sources. The research indicates that producer cooperatives for women can be successful if there are even a few women with the necessary skills and time required. Many cooperatives studied failed in part because of lack of enthusiasm of the women involved, indicating the problems the promotion of producer cooperatives involves. The paper argues that a far more wide‐ranging debate is needed about the ways in which the ideals of cooperation and empowerment can be preserved, while at the same time responding to the context in which cooperatives have to operate. There is no 'ideal cooperative' but a range of possible options. The varying needs of women require a participatory transformation of both state and NGO cooperative development agencies. Much greater commitment is needed to assist women in relevant ways.

In the AIDS pandemic, access to experimental treatments has become an important element of community-standard medical care. Rates of AIDS and HIV infection are significantly higher in prison and jail populations than in the U.S. population at large; however, prisoners are denied access to AIDS-related clinical trials in all but a handful of jurisdictions. The author argues for expanded prisoner access to AIDS-related clinical trials and demonstrates that such access is ethical and feasible. Enrolling prisoners in AIDS-related trials would stand to benefit not only affected prisoners but also clinical researchers seeking to gather information on the efficacy of treatments in all population groups contained within the larger HIV-infected population, including African Americans, Latinos, and IV drug users. Existing federal regulations, properly enforced, provide prisoners with adequate protection from exploitation conducted in the name of science. Barriers remain, in the form of state laws, correctional policies, and practical obstacles presented by the prison environment. However, as the author describes, research institutions in several states have succeeded in incorporating prisoners into clinical drug trials.

Deals with two topics: disadvantageous effects of the common Yugoslav state on the Croatian economy & misappropriation of the Yugoslav federal state property by Serbia. In the first Yugoslavia (between the two World Wars) Croatia was economically handicapped through different political practices: the monetary reform, taxing imparities, Serbian colonization in Eastern Slavonia & disadvantageous treatment in infrastructure construction. In the socialist Yugoslavia this handicap was continued primarily through a policy of industrial disinvestment. The economic reforms by Prime Minister Ante Markovic in the late 1980s could not save the Yugoslav federation, they even attempted to increase centralization, which was unacceptable for Croatia. In the second part of the article the author offers a calculation of federal state property (mainly foreign currency reserves & military property) misappropriated by Serbia. On the basis of IMF methodology in calculating the Croatian share in the Yugoslav GNP the author estimates that the net value of the Croatian part of federal property amounts to 17 billion USD. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

After the collapse of the bipolar world, multilateral initiatives & organizations entered a state of crisis, but at the same time, their importance increased. The author analyzes one form of multilateral involvement, the UN peacekeeping operations. In the last five years, their number has significantly increased, with the most important one in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Although many aspects of that operation are negative, in the future, they might prove useful for the reform of the concept of peacekeeping operations. The author particularly emphasizes the necessity for these peacekeeping operations to make a shift from the prevention of hostilities toward the imposition of peace, as well as the need to separate this aim from humanitarian activities, which should be assigned to specialized international organizations. The peacekeeping operations should evolve into a sort of multilateral interventionism that, while undoubtedly restricting individual states' sovereignty, strives to establish order. They could be supplemented with other means of pressure at the UN's disposal: sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or arms control. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical, the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of the former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical data gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, aid the aggressive nationalist leadership in political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media have been only one of the elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of the former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical, the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of the former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical data gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, aid the aggressive nationalist leadership in political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media have been only one of the elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Evidence from medieval Europe and modern China suggests that cooperation with strong executives plays a larger role in early legislative development than is generally acknowledged: that under conditions of absolutism (or near-absolutism), acceptance and exploitation of subordination may be a means to organizational development. In this article, the author relies primarily on interview data and Chinese field research to show that early legislative development can occur without significantly increasing conflict with established authorities and without winning autonomy. The author further argues that legislative embeddedness, as measured by clarified and expanded jurisdiction and increased capacity, is a product less of conflict than of executive support and attention, and that support and attention in the early stages of organizational development can be understood in terms of a legislature's presence, its reliability and usefulness, and the political standing of its leaders. The article's conclusion offers a new approach to early legislative development that shifts attention from conventional measures of institutionalization and hinges on understanding the process of embeddedness.

This article discusses the government's response to what appeared at the time to be an overnight explosion of the homeless population in big cities and small towns as a result of major economic and social changes of the early 1980s. In order to respond effectively to underlying problems of homelessness, it explores solutions that are more comprehensive than merely building shelters. The author argues that while homelessness has a direct link to poverty, the government must also address more complex causes including, the lack of adequate mental health care, substance abuse, a decline in the availability of affordable housing, and the shift from blue-collar manufacturing to service sector jobs. The author stresses the importance of recognizing that reconnecting homeless people with society requires the homeless to move through a series of transitional steps. Two programs, HUD's D.C. Initiative and Beyond McKinney Coalition proposals, that offer support services such as comprehensive health coverage, educational services, substance abuse treatment, day care, and job training and counseling, are featured.

Die vergleichende Analyse des Bankensektors in Deutschland, Frankreich, Großbritannien, Kanada und den USA untersucht die Abhängigkeit politischer Macht von den Organisationsstrukturen gesellschaftlicher Interessenverbände im System der Interessenvermittlung. Anhand empirischer Indikatoren (Mitgliederkonkurrenz, interne Ressourcen, horizontale Brücken und vertikale Integration) wird gezeigt, daß das deutsche und französische System der Interessenvermittlung die größten integrativen Kapazitäten aufweist und damit das höchste Potential für die Transformation von ökonomischer in politische Macht besitzt, während das amerikanische System durch eine starke Zersplitterung der Bankenverbände gekennzeichnet ist. (AuD-Ksl)

The author portrays the crisis of national & state sovereignty in contemporary Europe, the consequence of economic & political integrational processes, & the creation of new supranational institutions. The question is whether these supranational institutions can be democratically structured & if they can provide for the level of social integration that used to be secured by the national state. The most recent discussions have revolved around theoretical concepts of denationalized sovereignties, international legislation, & asynchronous denationalization, which are indicative of the crisis of national sovereignty. Possible modes of the distribution of sovereign authorities among various constituents have been developed based on an extremely interesting historical parallel between the institutional structure of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation in the pivotal years from 1495 to 1576 & the existing or proposed institutions of the European Union. The prospects of the European Union, the author concludes, are not going to be determined or affected by the lack of democracy but by the lack of political efficiency & unity. Adapted from the source document.

Political attitudes & activity of Thomas Jefferson, one of the founding fathers of American democracy, are described in this text. The author describes Jefferson's role in political activities of major importance for the creation of the US: compiling the Declaration of Independence, operating the Legislative Assembly of the state of Virginia, enacting of the separation of church & state, creating American foreign policy & the policy of Western colonization, introducing the first ten Constitutional amendments as a guarantee of human & civil rights, & elaborating on the principles of the organization of federal government. Jefferson fought against excessive legislation on powers of central political institutions. He established the tradition of Republicans versus Federalists led by Hamilton. That opposition gave birth to the modern American two-party system. Jefferson's presidency was also significant due to the elimination of centralist & oligarchic tendencies of previous Federalist governments. The author suggests that Jefferson's political theory & practice have left a permanent mark on the contemporary theory of democratic republicanism. 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

Se presenta un estudio crítico y comparado de las obras "Cartas marruecas (1788-1789), de José Cadalso; y "Marokkanische Briefe" (1784), de Johann Pezzl. Ambas obras pertenecen al género epistolar de intencionalidad pragmática y crítica, que tiene su origen en la Ilustración francesa. Pese a la coincidencia del título y de los esquemas compositivos, el autor español escribe desde una intencionalidad moral y caracteriológica, mientras que el autor austriaco plantea críticas políticas de instituciones y de la sociedad de su país. ; It presents a critical and comparative study of the works "Moroccan Letters (1788-1789), Joseph Gallows; and "Marokkanische Briefe" (1784), Johann Pezzl. Both works belong to the epistolary genre pragmatic intentionality and criticism, which has its origin in the French Enlightenment. Despite the title match and compositional schemes, the Spanish author writes from a moral and characterological intentionality, while the Austrian author raises political institutions and the society of his country reviews. ; notPeerReviewed