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From the title one might expect a sequel of sorts to the author's highly regarded On Nationality (1995). The volume is both less and more than that, although mostly more. David Miller has long been critical of the Anglo-American liberal approach to political theory and has advanced his criticism along a number of fronts. To oversimplify, Miller is not a liberal, he is a civic republican; he is not a universalist liberal, he is a nationalist; he is not a liberal democratic, he is a deliberative democrat; he is not an economic liberal, he is a social democrat.

This paper argues that the study of citizenship needs to engage with both cosmopolitan and multicultural questions. Despite their difference social and political theory needs to find new ways to bring these concerns together. In particular it is argued that such a venture is only possible if cosmopolitanism opens questions of cultural identity, and multiculturalism decouples itself from specifically national concerns. These moves are likely to bring these approaches into a fruitful dialogue taking their arguments beyond mainstream liberalism, but maintaining a dialectic between universalism and difference. The paper ends by considering the challenge played by fundamentalism.

This article traces the evolution of international relations studies as an academic discipline in China in the last two decades or so. Almost non-existent before the 1980s, IR studies has become an increasingly dynamic, sophisticated, and popular field of social science in both teaching and research. This is reflected in the growth of institutions, degree programs, scholarship and paradigmatic debate as well as interaction with the Western intellectual community in both theory and personnel. Nevertheless, the development of IR studies in China is still in its primitive stage and it must contend with various problems such as political control, a lack of well-trained scholars, inadequate funding, and ideational uncertainty.

This paper focuses on the issue of the electoral & ideological cycles in state government budget for the 11 Western German Lander. We verify this hypothesis over the period 1974-1994 for the following budgetary variables: total expenditures, surplus/deficit, administration, health care, education, roads, & social security benefits. While overall our results seem to show that generally the party variable does not play a systematic role in spending decisions, they provide some support to the opportunistic cycle theory showing that the only relevant phenomenon is the effect of the upcoming election on government spending inclinations. 5 Tables, 1 Appendix, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Although social scientists have written much recently about environmentalism, feminism, and gender, insufficient systematic examination of their interrelations has been done. The lack of adequate research on links among these three concepts limits their usefulness for both grassroots mobilization efforts and general theory development. The present exploratory study surveys a college student sample (N = 393) clarifying the relationships between liberal environmentalism, gender, and feminism. Relationship between feminism and attitudes toward human use of the environment and between gender and environmental regulation are found suppressed by a relationship between feminism and environmentalism. Although tentative, these findings suggest new directions for the study of ecofeminism.

Luc Boltanski, Distant Suffering: Morality, Media and PoliticsStephen Frosh, The Politics of Psychoanalysis: An Introduction to Freudian and Post‐Freudian TheoryDennis Chong, Rational Lives: Norms and Values in Politics and SocietyZsolt Enyedi and Ferenc Erös, Authoritarianism and Prejudice: Central European PerspectivesStephanie Riger, Transforming Psychology: Gender in Theory and PracticeV. M. Bekhterev, Suggestion and Its Role in Social LifeIan Glynn, An Anatomy of Thought: The Origins and Machinery of the MindDavid O. Sears, Jim Sidanius, and Lawrence Bobo (eds.), Racialized Politics: The Debate About Racism in AmericaPhilip A. Klinkner with Rogers M. Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America

Theory suggests that majoritarian/plurality elections depress voter participation & that proportional election systems encourage greater voter mobilization & turnout. We examine the effect that cumulative voting (CV) has on turnout in local elections in the US. Variation in social/cultural context is largely held constant by our design while election system varies, allowing us to identify the unique effect CV has on turnout. We test if turnout is higher when CV is used in the same context as plurality rules. Consistent with expectations about institutional effects, turnout is about 5% points higher under CV than in similar plurality elections. 3 Tables, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this paper is to examine a traditional academic research model frequently used in scholarly papers and the implications of this model in restricting growth and quality of new knowledge generation. The paper contends a traditional academic research process (TARP) is evident in business and the other social science research. It identifies concerns about the process and how it restricts new theory development. The paper provides an alternative model, the higher academic research model (HARP) which is characterised by closer interaction between research processes and phenomena under investigation. The paper concludes by demonstrating the increased output achievement of the new model.

The Weberian idea that legitimacy fortifies power & the Marxist theory of "false consciousness" are examined in an effort to prove that the perceptions of social actors sustain relations of domination. The chapter begins by analyzing the concept of power as a scalar occurrence & theorizing on the ideas of agency & structure. It then examines the concepts of "false consciousness" & legitimacy, arguing that a new kind of legitimate domination has emerged -- one that seems to be replacing the position of domination formerly held by legal & bureaucratic agencies. Hence, Marxism has not been rejected; it has simply been expanded upon. K. A. Larsen

This paper provides a theory of lobby formation within a framework in which trade policy is determined through political contributions. Under certain conditions, free trade turns out to be an equilibrium outcome either when the government has a high affinity for political contributions or when it cares a great deal about social welfare. Moreover, greater inequality in asset distribution results in a greater number of lobbies and, in most cases, more protection for each of these lobbies. Furthermore, industries with higher levels of capital stock, fewer capitalists, more inelastic demand, and smaller geographical dispersion are the ones that get organized. (JEL F10, F13)

The authors reassess the recent history of U.K. urban politics. Following the local entrepreneurialism promoted by the Thatcher governments in the 1980s, they trace the gradual emergence of a more inclusive approach to urban policy. This shift, which began with the Major government in the early 1990s, marks a move toward a more community-orientated vision of social regeneration. Through a survey of the evolution of partnership styles and economic development in Leeds and informed by recent cross-national work on regime theory, the authors provide insights into the structural factors that have shaped the formation, composition, and actions of local coalitions in U.K. governance.

Democratic theory contends that factors like economic crisis, elite-level divisions, the resurrection of civil society, appropriate institutions, and international demonstration effects can encourage democratic regime change. This article investigates these factors in Malaysia's current setting, a period in which reformist sentiments have grown. It finds, however, that the leader has effectively isolated his elite-level rivals, while his government has adequately managed economic crisis, social upsurge, and international pressures. The government has also better exploited electoral procedures than its opponents have. Hence, this article concludes by cautioning against thinking that democratization - or even meaningful political reform - will soon take place in Malaysia. (AJPS/DÜI)