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THE AUTHOR REVIEWS THE 40-YEAR HISTORY OF UN EFFORTS TO ELIMINATE INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM, AND FOCUSES ON DECISIONS OF THE LAST TWO DECADES. WHILE NOTING THAT THE ANTITERRORIST THRUST OF THESE DECISIONS HAS BEEN GAINING MOMENTUM, THE AUTHOR REMAINS CRITICAL OF THE UN'S PERFORMANCE. THE RELEVANT UN DECISIONS ARE MERELY RECOMMENDATIONS AND NOT LEGALLY BINDING; THEY DO NOT ENCOMPASS THE PROBLEM OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM AS A WHOLE; THE EXISTING CONVENTIONS DO NOT EXTEND TO ALL STATES AND THERE IS LITTLE COORDINATION WITH REGIONAL ARRANGEMENTS; AND FINALLY, THE UN LACKS RELIABLE MACHINERY TO ENCOURAGE STATES TO IMPLEMENT THE MEASURES RECOMMENDED IN ITS DECISIONS. THE KEY TO ENHANCING THE UN'S ANTITERRORISM EFFORTS IS THE PREPARATION AND UNIVERSAL ACCEPTANCE OF A MAJOR INTERNATIONAL INSTRUMENT CREATING LEGALLY BINDING OBLIGATIONS ON STATES FOR COMBATTING INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM.SUCH A CONVENTION SHOULD BE DRAFTED WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL SO AS TO ELEVATE THE ISSUE TO THE HIGHEST UN LEVEL, AND INCLUDE MEASURES FOR ITS OWN IMPLEMENTATION.

This paper examined computerization policies of the Korean government for the government information management system in the milieu of advancing information society. The author intended to summarize government-wide computerization efforts organized since 1978 and to review problems of the computerized government information management system in Korea. About one decade of earnest efforts of computerization and computer network promotion resulted in considerable achievements. Administrative efficiency and quality of public services have improved steadily with the progress of computerization. Computerization of the government information management has had various eufunctional impacts upon socio-economic and cultural change. However, errors, insufficiencies, imprudences and other unwelcome side effects accompanied successes and benefits of computerization. The primary purpose of this paper is to examine computerization policies of the Korean government for the government information management system in the milieu of advancing information society. The author intends to summarize government-wide computerization efforts organized since 1978 and to review overall problems of the computerized government information management system in Korea.

This paper outlines the origins of the functionalist perspective as it was used by American social scientists to explain social inequality during the first four decades of the twentieth century. The author then argues against the assumption that the basis for development of the perspective is found in the work of Parsons and his students who applied Parsons'general framework to studies of social inequality in complex industrial society. Instead, it is suggested that the research of social anthropologists, such as Robert and Helen Lynd and W. Lioyd Warner, was equally important to the development of the functionalist perspective. The author further argues that early twentieth‐century British social anthropology, with its strong ties to Durkheimian functionalism, greatly influenced the direction of studies on social inequality. The paper concludes with a discussion of the intellectual ancestries between these theoretical pioneers and Parsonians and offers an explanation why Parsons'work dominated sociology during a critical period of the discipline's development.

This article presents a critical analysis of the principle of the least restrictive environment (LRE). The article begins with a review of the origins of LRE in professional writings and law and moves next to a discussion of how LRE has been operationalized in terms of a continuum of residential, educational, and vocational services. Building on previous critiques of the continuum concept, the author presents seven conceptual and philosophical flaws or pitfalls in the LRE principle itself, especially when it is applied to people with severe disabilities. The author then argues that an uncritical acceptance of LRE may lead to the establishment of a "new" community-based continuum and takes the position that many leading writings in the field can be interpreted to legitimate this new continuum. The conclusion of the article supports an unconditional commitment to integration and briefly contrasts integration with LRE as a guiding principle for the design of services and support for people with developmental disabilities and concludes with a note on the importance of viewing concepts in historical context.

Die Autorin geht nach einer Analyse der vorliegenden empirischen Arbeiten zu Lebenslagen Alleinerziehender dem auffälligen Widerspruch zwischen einem hohen Streß- und Belastungsgrad auf der einen Seite und einem hohen Zufriedenheitspotential auf der anderen Seite nach. Im Zentrum der Überlegungen stehen das Selbstkonzept und die inneren Kontrollüberzeugungen alleinerziehender Frauen, die 86% der Alleinerziehenden ausmachen. Gefordert werden sozial und bildungspolitische Maßnahmen zur Entlastung Alleinerziehender, allerdings verbunden mit der dringlichen Aufforderung, den Aufgaben der Erziehung und Bildung von Kindern und Jugendlichen nicht weniger Aufmerksamkeit zu schenken als den jetzt die Diskussion völlig beherrschenden Betreuungsstrategien. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Proceeding from an analysis of recent empirical studies on the Situation of Single parents, the author traces the apparent contradiction of a high level of stress and strain on the one hand and a high potential of satisfaction on the other. The author concentrates on the situation of single women with children, a group that constitutes 86% of all single parents. Sociopolitical and educational measures are proposed and it is urgently requested to give the same weight to the tasks of the education and upbringing of children and adolescents in single-parent families as compared to the attention received by the methods of intervention that dominate the present discussion. (DIPF/Orig.)

Artikuliert werden aktuell erscheinende Momente des Verhältnisses von empirisch-erziehungswissenschaftlicher Erkenntnis und bildungspolitischer Entscheidung sowie die Äußerung dieser Momente. Negative Erfahrungen ratsuchender Politik machen Tendenzen der Zurückhaltung verständlich. Modelle möglicher Interaktion werden referiert, Faktoren wahrscheinlicher und wünschenswerter Verwirklichungen angesprochen. Vernetzende Rückkoppelungen scheinen eine nicht unwichtige Rolle zu spielen. Offensive Schritte Aufklärung anstrebender Bildungsadministration können bis zu konkreten Empfehlungen aufgrund kritisch ausgewerteter Untersuchungsbefunde gehen. Identifikation und nutzbare Vermittlung der Faktoren konkreter Umsetzbarkeit bleiben weiterhin wichtige Aufgaben empirischer Forschung. (DIPF/Orig.) ; The author sketches some of the currently relevant issues of the relationship between findings in the field of educational science and decisions to be taken in educational policy. The fact that politicians tend to be somewhat reserved can be explained by negative experiences of the past. The author discusses possible interaction models and points out factors relevant to the realization of such models. It seems that a network of reciprocal consultations is of importance. Progressive educational administrations might even give concrete recommendations on the basis of critically evaluated research findings. The identification of factors determining the application of research findings remains an important task of empirical research. (DIPF/Orig.)

We have Bonaparte to thank for the notion and even the expression « la grande nation », in any case it was the who transmitted it to the Directoire in July 1797, like an echo of an expression used by a delegation of the people from peninsular Greece. The author follows the path of the idea — half-way between truth and myth— and sets it back into the context of Bonaparte's Ottoman policy; the author studies the latter's vision of a Greek national revival and on a wider scale the ideas he took from Volney who launched the theme in his Ruins. Bonaparte's thinking on the near East and his contacts with the Ottoman world allow him to define, through the Grande Nation concept, a symbolic expression of a republican revival, partly the fruit of his victories but which, in its deepest reality, already announces the Empire. In any case, the expression taken up and has great and immediate success in the context of the Directoire's propaganda war.

The author describes the economic and social structures of the canton of Issy-1'Evêque where the parish priest Carion made a name for himself in 1790; these structures were to last throughout the nineteenth century: it was a poor and isolated area marked both by the overwhelming supremacy of great land holdings in the hands of local and often absolutist notables and by the poverty not only of the day laborers but also of the main group of tenant farmers constantly under pressure from the fermiers généraux. Physical destitution, illiteracy, and purely routine religion complete the picture which was only to change much later. For this impoverished peasantry, political mobilization was a possibility and became a reality during the crisis of 1848 during which a kind of left-wing tradition began to develop led by a certain number of local notables. The author weighs on one hand the influence of such social conditions and, on the other, the influence of the memory of the French Revolution on the community's political option.

The author examines three questions: how much females participate in the informal economy; why they participate; and what the policy implications of their participation are. In the process of examining these issues, the author develops a behavioral theory of female participation, involving exit, voice, loyalty, and dual loyalty, following Hirschman's work. Using three measures—the number of individuals; the amount of time; and dollars—she finds that women participate in the informal economy as much as, and probably more than, men do. In the course of trying to explain why females participate in the informal economy, she discusses a variety of different explanations and then rejects them because they are too value laden and/or they make too many assumptions. Finally, she discusses the policy implications of more and more women having dual loyalty, such as the need for government-regulated, safe day care, and the need for revising the definition of labor force participation to reflect some of the informal activity of women.

If this study were designed merely to prove that part of the explanation for despotism and differential reproduction exists in the genetic propensity of men to compete, to use power to serve their own interests, and to express that interest by seeking a variety of sexual partners, there would be little need for comment. Such a book could have been written in half the pages used. An inordinate amount of space, however, is used by the author in (1) rejecting any basis except biology to explain despotism; (2) castigating any possible use of culture in explaining differentials in male reproduction; (3) apologizing for her findings that evolution has led to inequality in both production and reproduction, a condition the author deplores; and (4) insisting that equality can be effected if humans simply decide to satisfy genetic propensities differently (which surely is a cultural matter since only humans can perceive the concept of evolution and attempt to change society's use of it).

HAVING STRIVED TO RECONCILE NUMEROUS CONTRADICTORY STRANDS OF THE SOVIET NATIONAL CHARACTER AND EXPLAIN SOVIET PEOPLE'S SOCIAL BEHAVIOR, THE AUTHOR INTRODUCES A TWO-LAYERED CONCEPT OF MENTALITY: A SET OF BASIC PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES, AND A SET OF SECONDARY FEATURES, MANY OF WHICH HAVE BEEN HABITUALLY ASCRIBED TO THE RUSSIAN CHARACTER. IN THE AUTHOR'S VIEW, SECONDARY FEATURES CAN BE DERIVED FROM BASIC PERCEPTIONS AND ATTITUDES WHICH PRESENT A PERSON'S VIEW OF THE WORLD AND ARE VERY STABLE. IN ORDER TO SEPARATE THE BASIC PERCEPTIONS FROM THE SECONDARY FEATURES THE AUTHOR ANALYSES THE PROCESS OF SOCIALIZATION IN TWO CULTURES-THE SOVIET AND THE AMERICAN. HE IDENTIFIES MAIN CHANNELS OF INFLUENCE IN BOTH CULTURES THROUGH WHICH SOCIETY INTEGRATES A NEW MEMBER AND THREE CODES OF CONDUCT-BASED ON RELIGIOUS ETHICS, LAW, AND UNWRITTEN RULES THAT REGULATE BEHAVIOR IN A SOCIETY. THEY TURN OUT TO BE VERY DIFFERENT IN THE TWO COUNTRIES, EXPLAINING THE DRAMATIC DIFFERENCE IN ALL BASIC PERCEPTIONS OF AMERICANS AND SOVIETS.

THE SUCCESS OF DOMENIC MARIO BOZZOTTO, PRESIDENT OF LOCAL 26 OF THE HOTEL EMPLOYEES AND RESTAURANT EMPLOYEES (HERE) UNION, IS PRESENTED TO ILLUSTRATE A SUCCESS STORY IN UNION ORGANIZING. THE STORY OF HOW HE FOUGHT BOSTON'S PARK PLAZA HOTEL AND ITS PART OWNER, THE JOHN HANCOCK COMPANY, IS DETAILED TO SHOW THE TACTICS USED IN EFFECTIVE ORGANIZING AND CONTRACT NEGOTIATIONS. IN CONTRAST, THE AUTHOR LAMENTS THAT THIS TYPE OF ORGANIZING IS FEW AND FAR BETWEEN IN THE INCREASINGLY BUREAUCRATIZED LABOR UNIONS. HE ARGUES THAT UNIONS ARE BECOMING NO MORE THAN SERVICE ORGANIZATIONS FOR THEIR MEMBERS AND THAT THE REAGAN ERA HAS LEFT THEM INWARD LOOKING AND PASSIVE. THE AUTHOR PRESENTS STATISTICS ON THE LEVELS OF NEWLY INDUCTED MEMBERS IN THE AFL-CIO VERSUS THE NUMBER OF LOSSES IN THE MEMBERSHIP FOR SEVERAL YEARS IN THE 80'S. THE STATUS OF ORGANIZERS IN THE CAREER UNION LEADER LADDER IS POINTED OUT AS BEING LOW-LEVEL AND LOW-PAYING COMPARED WITH THOSE WHO ACT AS BUSINESS AGENTS.

SENATORS AND CONGRESSMEN WHO THINK PROTECTIONISM SAVES JOBS FOR AMERICANS WOULD DO WELL TO RECONSIDER. THE AUTHOR'S THESIS IS BASED ON A STATE-BY-STATE STUDY WHICH IS REPRINTED HERE. THE AUTHOR INTERPRETS IT AS SHOWING THAT PROTECTIONISM IN THE STEEL INDUSTRY HAS LED TO LOST JOBS SIMILAR STUDIES OF OTHER MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES WOULD SHOW SIMILAR FINDINGS, THE AUTHOR CONTENDS. THE 1984 "VOLUNTARY" RESTRAINT ON OUR STEEL TRADING PARTNERS BROUGHT ABOUT A GAIN OF 16,900 JOBS IN THE STEEL INDUSTRY. HOWEVER, AS THE COST OF STEEL ROSE, 52,400 JOBS WEST LOST IN THE STEEL-USING INDUSTRIES, IN WHICH MORE THAN TWENTY TIMES MORE PEOPLE WORK THAN WORK IN THE STEEL INDUSTRY ITSELF. USING STATISTICS FOR THE STATE OF ALABAMA AS AN EXAMPLE, ADDING TOGETHER ALL THE GAINS IN STEEL AND SUPPLIERS, THERE IS A NET GAIN OF 380 ALABAMA JOBS. HOWEVER, WHEN THE NUMBER OF JOBS LOST IN THE STEEL-USING SECTOR IS FACTORED IN, THERE IS A NET GAIN OF 120 JOBS.

THIS ARTICLE IS EXCERPTED AND ADAPTED FROM VISIONS AND NIGHTMARES: AMERICA AFTER REAGAN BY ROBERT LEKACHMAN. THE AUTHOR DISCUSSES THE PHENOMENON OF THE YUPPIES, A DISTINCT SUBGROUP OF THE BABY-BOOM GENERATION BORN BETWEEN 1946 AND 1966. THEY DIFFER FROM THEIR COHORTS NOT ONLY IN EDUCATION (THEY HAVE A HIGHER LEVEL) AND OCCUPATION (THEY ARE PROFESSIONALS) BUT ALSO IN ATTITUDES. IN YUPPIES SEEMS TO RESIDE THE GLORIFICATION OF NARCISSISM IN EVERYTHING FROM THE CHOICE OF CLOTHING TO THE PURSUIT OF EMOTIONAL FULFILLMENT. NOTABLY, YUPPIES TEND TO DEAL WITH INFORMATION WHILE COHORTS IN PRODUCTION. LEKACHMAN CITES TWO CONTRASTING STEREOTYPES: WILLIAM WHYTE'S THE ORGANIZATION MAN, THE HALLMARK OF THE EISENHOWER 50'S AND CHARLES REICH'S THE GREENING OF AMERICA, AN EVOCATION OF THE FLOWER-POWER SIDE OF THE 60'S. TO ILLUSTRATE SHIFTS IN VALUES, THE AUTHOR CITES GENERAL MOTORS' SATURN PROJECT IN SPRING HILL, TENNESSEE A MANUFACTURING PLANT THAT INCORPORATES MANY JAPANESE CONCEPTS OF MANAGEMENT. HE QUESTIONS HOW YUPPIES WILL REACT TO THIS NEW TREND.