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Even though the first international school in Vietnam had been established before the government passed the Resolution 29 on 'Basic and comprehensive innovation of education and training', many localities have raised a question: "What is the role and impact of the international schools in educational development in Vietnam?". By using participant observation research methododology and personal experiences, from the individual perspective of the author who used to teach at many international schools in Ho Chi Minh City combined with the emic and etic approaches, I try to answer this question. Through participatant observation and analysis, the result shows that the international schools not only play a role as a reference for the Vietnamese schools to shape their identity, but also create cultural and educational impacts, contributing to promoting the innovation process through cohesion, cooperation and integration, as a result it enhances international understanding of local education. This impact process is proactive, positive, based on sharing and highly consciously select reception.

ABSTRACTThis article studies the experiences of gender experts in international institutions of governance and examines their interactions with multiple actors in the governance system as they negotiate their authority to act as experts. Moving beyond binaries, such as those on the inside of hegemonic institutions versus those on the outside, or co‐optation versus activism, the analysis uses processes of instrumentalization as a vantage point to lay out the multiple paths emerging in these politics of engagement. The article frames politics of engagement in terms of micropolitical tensions, ambivalences and contradictions that unfold in these interactions. It first argues that the boundaries that exist between inside and outside institutions are not clear cut because actors circulate between them. The study shows how gender experts instrumentalize their own life and career trajectories, navigating between advocacy and governance, to enhance their power in current institutional settings. It then focuses on instrumentalist discourses and traces their emergence in unequal negotiations. It demonstrates how gender experts can become part of the processes that they also critique. Finally, the study analyses strategies in which experts instrumentalize institutional inequalities to their advantage to produce diverse political possibilities with open‐ended outcomes.

In an essay with the legal and institutional aspects of discrimination or non-discrimination in international trade, it is impossible to start without a clear definition of what is meant by the term discrimination. Since in common usage almost any behaviour dealing with camparable cases in different ways can be called discrimination, such a term is too vage a basis for legal considerations. At first glance, different meanings of the same term seem to imply a high degree of confusion. This is, however, no speciality of the word discrimination, nor is, in our particular case, the danger of confusion very great. Just because of the fact that in common usage so many forms of behaviour are called discrimination in favour of one party or against another a limited and clear legal definition is such a different thing that a mix-up can easily be avoided. Economists and politicians must only be warned that actions which they describe as discrimination - correct in their own terminology - need not have legal consequences. Only if they have to deal with forms of discrbination which have, at the same time, the characteristics of the legal definition, may they expect or induce legal consequences.

Die in der anglophonen Welt seit mehr als 30 Jahren geführte Diskussion um den Beitrag der Historischen Soziologie (HS) zur Analyse internationaler Politik wurde in den deutschen Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) mit wenigen Ausnahmen bisher nicht rezipiert. Der Beitrag nimmt dieses Desiderat zum Anlass, um zunächst zentrale Diskussionspunkte des Forschungsfeldes der Internationalen Historischen Soziologie (IHS) zu skizzieren. Darauf aufbauend werden bisher unreflektierte Verknüpfungen zur älteren, historischen Sozialwissenschaft (1960er-80er Jahre) sowie zur neo-weberianischen Tradition der Historischen Soziologie (seit den 1990er Jahren) in den deutschen IB rekapituliert. Es wird argumentiert, dass die substanziellen Forschungsbeiträge der IHS reflexionswürdiges Potential insbesondere für eine kritische Methodologie der Außenpolitikforschung bereithalten. Der Beitrag plädiert dafür, Außenpolitik als historische Prozesskategorie zu begreifen und skizziert schließlich die methodologischen Register einer Historischen Soziologie internationaler Politik, die einen dezidierten Fokus auf konfliktive Sozialbeziehungen und die Historizität regionaler und globaler Ordnungen legt.

Introduction 1. - Defining Sovereignty 21. - Sovereignty, (Ir)responsibility and Intervention 52. - Normative Theory and Political Theology 77. - The Politics of Sovereignty as Responsibility: The Case of Libya 101. - Sovereignty, Intervention and Contemporary International Law 121. - Beyond Sovereignty? Cosmopolitanism and Realist Thought on the World State 148. - Conclusion: Myths and Metaphors of Sovereignty 168

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

Today few people deny the existence of regional substate diplomacy (Criekemans 2010). But there is still no common agreement on a region's right to do so and, above all, on their scope of action. This question goes against what used to be the dominant approach in international relations, the state-centric approach that leads to the logic of speaking with one voice. Increasingly, a multilevel-governance approach has contested this state-centric view and proposes an alternative logic of multiple actors speaking with their voice, nuancing strongly the seminal distinction between "sovereignty-bound" and "sovereignty-free" actors (Rosenau 1990). From the 1970s, the world has seen the growing presence of sovereignty-free actors in international relations. Among these actors, non-central or, better, substate, governments of federal states have developed intensive foreign relations. These governments are using a range of techniques: from shaping the federal government's foreign policy to establishing themselves directly in the international arena (Blatter et al. 2008). For minority nation governments this is particularly a challenge, as they have to act internally – where they have developed full-fledged legislative powers within a multinational federation – and externally – where international and national laws are often still reluctant to recognise their right of action (Lejeune 2003). Yet some minority nations have thrived in developing their own international relations. Bavaria, Catalonia, Flanders, Quebec, Scotland and Wallonia are often seen as successful international players even if they are not fully sovereignty bound (Michelmann 2009; Criekemans 2010). The international actions of these minority nations have been characterised under the umbrella of "identity paradiplomacy" (Paquin 2003); that is, a willingness to use international relations to foster a nation-building process within a multinational state. This observation was particularly prevalent for minority nations strongly in competition with a federal government about their nationbuilding process, albeit for different reasons, namely Flanders, Quebec and Scotland (Paquin 2004). The case of Wallonia seems to fits less well into the identity paradiplomacy framework, which therefore raises the question of alternative roads to international relations. This is the core question of this chapter: is identity paradiplomacy the only way to go for minority nations? Quebec and Wallonia are both well known for their active foreign relations.

The article examines the trends in international relations that have emerged in recent years, including during the pandemic. According to the author, a clear international space structure in the vein of Immanuel Wallerstein's world-system, with equally clear rules of the game in such space is associated with the presence of an enforcer. The enforcer here is a country or group of countries that impose certain forms of communication on the international space, making the behavior of agents of the international political space predictable. Such a position for the enforcer, among other things, makes it possible to obtain benefi ts (material and status ones) that exceed its costs. This situation was not least determined by the relative homogeneity of the international space actors (States). However, in reality, as shown in the article, there are many more variants of polities in the world, which, under certain conditions, were convenient to imitate state political institutions. The conditions change is leading to actualization of such polities. The actualization of diversity results in a sharp escalation of the enforcer's costs, a drop in their eff ectiveness and the attractiveness of the enforcer's position itself. The leader bears more and more signifi cant costs ceases to perform its functions. Here, in place of the institutional system set by the enforcer, comes a diff erent way of organizing international relations – interpersonal trust, which arises and is strengthened by personal communication. Until recently, such "decisionmakers' clubs" were not as bright as the enforcer, but they connected the global world. However, the pandemic also disrupts this type of communication or rather complicates it. As a result, the hierarchy of problems changes. The problems of domestic politics and the international problems that aff ect them come to the fore. Global politics is being replaced by "neighborhood" politics. In the age of the world without a global leader and regional players rivalry, tomorrows "weight" of one country depends on how eff ectively it will be able to fi t in the new type of political structure.

2. Statement by H.E. Ms. Anne Anderson, Permanent Representative at the United Nations Security Council debate on Women, Peace and Security: ""Conflict-related sexual violence""3. Statement by Ireland at the High level Conference on the Future of the European Court of Human Rights, Brighton, the United Kingdom; 4. Address by the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Eamon Gilmore T.D., to the 21st Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly.