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"Prior to China's entry into the United Nations (UN) in 1971, there was fierce debate about its anticipated behavior and impact. Proponents of Chinese membership argued that integration into the United Nations would ultimately change or "civilize" the People's Republic of China (PRC) while skeptics countered that the "...the UN is not going to serve as a reform school for Peking," and that China was likely to attempt to alter the international system. When Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leaders failed to challenge the existing global order and eventually adjusted their own priorities and goals to fit into it and even benefit from the prevailing international order, its behavior alleviated concerns of destructive behavior. Yet, the larger question of China's longer-term impact on and role in international regimes remains an open question. Even if the PRC has not acted as a spoiler of the international system, are there subtle yet significant ways that it has pursued change toward international regimes? This question become more pressing and salient with China's ascendance and rising weight in global politics, especially given indications that it is shedding its earlier status quo posture and shifting to a more assertive one. As scholar Elizabeth Economy noted, in a June 2018 speech PRC President Xi Jinping "put the world on notice: China has its own ideas about how the world should be run and is prepared, as he put it, to 'lead in the reform of global governance.'" Scholars have begun grappling with"--

This article argues against the common view that the International Criminal Court (ICC) prevents peace since rebels will not accept accountability. In the presence of an international criminal authority, accountability may be unavoidable. This is true for rebels, but also for state agents. Should the government renege on agreed provisions, it risks ICC attention on its own actors, including into the future. In this way, the ICC functions as a permanent third-party guarantor of the provisions and reduces the commitment problem for the rebels, conditional on certain circumstances. A case study of Colombia finds support for the theoretical proposals. ; This work was supported by the AXA Research Fund [2016-SE-POSTDOC] and Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca [2014-ICIP]

New Zealand International (RNZI) broadcasts from New Zealand into the South Pacific and is relayed to South Pacific listeners by their various national news services. In 2006, American academic Andrew M. Clark characterised the role of RNZI as 'providing a service for the people of the South Pacific' that also provided 'an important public diplomacy tool for the New Zealand government' (Clark, 2006). A decade on, this article evaluates the ongoing use and utility of RNZI as a taxpayer-funded voice of and from New Zealand, as a service for the diverse peoples of the South Pacific and as a tool of New Zealand's transnational diplomatic efforts. RNZI is still a key source of local and regional information and connection for the distinct cultures and nations of the vast South Pacific area, whose peoples have strong links to New Zealand through historical ties and contemporary diasporas living in the country. But, RNZI now faces mounting financial pressure, a government swinging between indifferent and hostile to public broadcasting and questions of legitimacy and reach in the 'digital age'. With RNZI under pressure in 2016, key questions arise about its present and future. What is RNZI doing well and not so well? What role should New Zealand's domestic and international politics play in the organisation and its outputs? And how might its importance and impact be measured and understood in such a culturally and geographically diverse region as the South Pacific? Using a variety of sources, including documents released to the author under the New Zealand Official Information Act, this article explores the role of RNZI in the contemporary New Zealand and South Pacific media environments.

Abstract
This theory note argues that international norms, as currently understood by scholars of international relations, can be seen as emergent properties of a complex adaptive system (the international political system). Arising from the microlevel interactions of agents within and across various levels of analysis, they have the potential to become system properties that (a) influence the constitution, relationships, and behavior of agents within that system and (b) are not analytically reducible to the sum of the interactions between those agents. They also exhibit evolutionary dynamics common to complex, rather than merely complicated, systems. Thinking of norms in this manner helps point norms scholars toward particular spaces and methodologies of research. After a brief resume of complexity theory in IR, the note proceeds with an introduction to complex systems theory. It then explores the conceptual nexus between norms theory and complexity. It finishes by suggesting the ways in which understanding norms as complex emergent phenomena might influence norms research more broadly.

Can the new, Industrie 4.0 production technologies make high-wage locations more competitive in comparison to low-wage locations and even bring back production which was offshored in the past? This Discussion Paper tries to answer this question using data about the division of labor between German and Central Eastern European plants of automotive suppliers. It focuses on three sub-questions: Is there still a technology gap between high-wage and low-wage locations? Which criteria determine the choice of poduction technologies in high-wage and low-wage regions? How important regarding the implementation of modern production technologies are in particular skill structures on the shop floor? The analysis shows that the technology gap between high-wage and low-wage locations has nearly disappeared. Due to the combination of high cost competition and high quality requirements, new production technologies are implemented by companies very quickly across all their global operations. Despite this trend, however, German plants continue to be the preferred sites (at least for German companies) in which new products and production technologies are implemented for the first time. An important reason is the proximity to the research and development centers of car manufacturers and of automotive suppliers as well as to the equipment manufacturers which facilitates cooperation. This lead role of German plants leads to different skill structures on the shop floor when compared with Central Eastern Europe. Even if considering highly automated plants only, German operations deploy less unskilled and semi-skilled workers and focus more on the use of vocational skills. The main reason for this difference is the skills and competences required in the cooperation between production and product development, planning or the equipment manufacturers. This lead role and the ccorresponding skills on the shop floor represent an advantage of German plants in comparison to their Central Eastern European competitors which can be mobilized in the case of Industrie 4.0 concepts, too. The data and research results discussed in this paper were collected and developed in the project "Perspectives of the Automotive Supplier Industry" which was funded by the Hans Böckler
Foundation.

Nation und Nationalstaatlichkeit galten bis vor kurzem als etwas, das in einer globalisierten und postnationalen Konstellation immer weiter an Bedeutung verlieren würde. In jüngerer Zeit findet dieser Themenkomplex jedoch wieder deutlich mehr Beachtung. Der Sammelband setzt sich mit den entsprechenden Gründen, Problemen und Ausdrucksformen auseinander.