Suchergebnisse

Many studies have explored the phenomena of Islamic parties in Indonesia, the largest predominantly Muslim country in the world. However, little effort has been made to explore the organizational structures of Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia. The existing studies have also paid little attention to the role of Islamic parties at the regional level in the implementation of the decentralized system in terms of the relationship between the central and regional governments. This study is an attempt to provide a more comprehensive analysis of the way the Islamic parties at the regional level in post-Suharto Indonesia organize. In doing so, the organization of the Islamic parties is examined in three different dimensions, i.e., the party organization on the ground (political linkage between the Islamic parties and their members or supporters), the party organization in central office (leadership of the Islamic parties), and the party organization in public office (the role of the Islamic parties in policy-making). As the units of analysis, this study selects six major Islamic parties, i.e., the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional or PAN), National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB), Reform Star Party (Partai Bintang Reformasi or PBR), United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan or PPP), Justice and Prosperity Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or PKS) and Star and Crescent Party (Partai Bulan Bintang or PBB). Despite the fact that these parties experienced a significant decrease at the national level, most of them succeeded in maintaining or increasing their level of political support at the regional level. Meanwhile, this study focuses on the Tasikmalaya district as the locus of study because it has become one of the regional bases for these parties to maintain or increase their political achievement. The district also has a long historical root in the Islamic state movement in Indonesia. As a result, Muslims in the district have a strong Islamic sentiment. This study proposes two major findings. Firstly, the way the Islamic political actors organize the Islamic parties in Tasikmalaya district suggests that these parties contain some elements of the elite-based party, mass-based party, electoralist party, and cartel party models. In other words, the Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia have hybrid features. Therefore, the organizational features of the Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia are not completely exceptional or unique compared to the organizational features of party politics in other developing countries. Moreover, the organizational development of the contemporary Islamic parties in Indonesia takes different trajectories. In the case of the PAN and PPP, these parties are in a transitional stage from the mass-based party model to the electoralist party model. The organizational development of the PKS suggests that this party is experiencing a maturation process of the mass-based party model, while the organizational development of the PKB, PBR and PBB shows that these parties are experiencing a stagnation process in the stage of the elite-based party. Secondly, the case of the Tasikmalaya district also indicates that the Islamic political actors in Indonesia rely on rational calculations rather than ideological considerations when they manage their Islamic parties. In this sense, the PBB, PKS, PPP and PBR as the Indonesian Islamist parties have experienced a moderation process. The way these parties organize has not led to the Islamisation of the state, but it has led to the long term Islamisation of society.

Se busca demostrar, hasta donde lo permita la evidencia, de que la antigua ciudad mexica de Tenochtitlán se ha perpetuado en la conciencia de la ciudad de México contemporánea. El proceso de "civilización" promovido inconscientemente por el virreinato español en el sentido de las pautas culturales europeas y católicas fue ineluctable y concomitante a la centralización del poder económico y político virreinal y se ha conjugado con la creciente importancia del centro y particularmente del Zócalo como fuente de legitimidad simbólica. El hecho de que Tenochtitlán sirvió como cimiento material de la ciudad de México, reforzó a lo largo de su historia ese sentido de legitimidad entre la población que ha perdurado hasta la actualidad. La ciudad mexica se "trasminó" en la nueva ciudad colonial y el proceso prosiguió a lo largo de los siglos de la colonia, hasta que en el siglo XVIII las manifestaciones de este fenómeno se convirtieron en una avalancha incontenible de símbolos que no sólo expresaban el germen de una nueva nacionalidad que reunía las más diversas clases sociales y razas novohispanas, sino que durante el proceso de la independencia aparecieron explícitamente en los estandartes de los insurgentes. Tiempo después, y en coincidencia con el periodo del nacionalismo de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX el indigenismo se fue consolidando como política oficial. No hay evidencia histórica suficiente a partir de la historia de otras naciones del mundo para prever cómo variará en el tiempo el concepto de nación mexicana, pero a la luz de dos ejemplos tomados de la historia de Asia tal vez. se pueda inferir, planteándolo sólo como hipótesis, que esta evolución continuará y que, en un plazo indeterminado por ahora, el México prehispánico renacerá en su espíritu, pero en un contexto material, social, político, tecnológico, económico, etc. muy diferente al que encontró Cortés, y que hoy es impredecible. ; The old city of Tenochtitlan survived .in the consciousness of the modern Mexico City. The "civilizing". process unconsciously promoted by the Spanish viceroyalty ("Nueva España") following the cultural and catholic European pattern was ineluctable. lt occurred simultaneously with the centralization of viceroyalty political and economic power and the growing relevance of the Mexico City center as symbolic Iegitimacy source, especially its principal square: the Zócalo. Tenochtitlan, the old Aztecan city was the material foundation (and origin) of the Spanish colonial city intensifying the legitimacy feeling among the Mexican population along the years to this day. The old Mexican city leaked the new colonial city gradually: sign of the times, in the eighteenth century its symbolic expression became overwhelming, announcing a multiracial and multiclass new nation. Next, during the so called "independence war" (started in 1810) against the Spanish colonial power the same symbols appeared on the insurgents' flags, and in the nineteenth century rose the "indigenismo" which was an official politics of sorts which sought the restoration of the old prehispanic grandeur. The lack of historical evidence of similar social developments in the outside world impedes the formulation of any "prophesy" about the social Mexican future evolution, but using two examples extracted from the Asiatic history, it's possible to pose an hypothesis: the evolution will continue and finally (time cannot be fixed) the spiritual and material prehispanic civilization will born again, into a new social, political, technological, economic context, today unirnagined.

In The Peloponnesian War, Thucydides (1972: 402) highlights the effects of the general, overall weakness of smaller states vis-à-vis larger, more powerful ones in a key passage, where the Athenians remind the Melians that: "… since you know as well as we do that, as the world goes, right is only in question between equals in power. Meanwhile, the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must." Concerns about the vulnerability of small, weak, isolated states have echoed throughout history: from Thucydides, through the review by Machiavelli (1985) of the risks of inviting great powers to intervene in domestic affairs, through 20th century US-led contemporary political science (Vital, 1971; Handel, 1990) and Commonwealth led scholarship (Commonwealth Secretariat, 1985). In the context of 20th century 'Balkanization', the small state could also prove unstable, even hostile and uncooperative, a situation tempting enough to invite the intrusion of more powerful neighbours: a combination, according to Brzezinski (1997: 123-124) of a power vacuum and a corollary power suction2: in the outcome, if the small state is 'absorbed', it would be its fault, and its destiny, in the grand scheme of things. In an excellent review of small states in the context of the global politics of development, Payne (2004: 623, 634) concludes that "vulnerabilities rather than opportunities are the most striking consequence of smallness". It has been recently claimed that, since they cannot defend or represent themselves adequately, small states "lack real independence, which makes them suboptimal participants in the international system" (Hagalin, 2005: 1). There is however, a less notable and acknowledged but more extraordinary strand of argumentation that considers 'the power of powerlessness', and the ability of small states to exploit their smaller size in a variety of ways in order to achieve their intended, even if unlikely, policy outcomes. The pursuance of smaller state goals becomes paradoxically acceptable and achievable precisely because such smaller states do not have the power to leverage disputants or pursue their own agenda. A case in point concerns the smallest state of all, the Vatican, whose powers are both unique and ambiguous, but certainly not insignificant (The Economist, 2007). Smaller states have "punched above their weight" (e.g. Edis, 1991); and, intermittently, political scientists confront their "amazing intractability" (e.g. Suhrke, 1973: 508). Henry Kissinger (1982: 172) referred to this stance, with obvious contempt, as "the tyranny of the weak"3. This paper seeks a safe passage through these two, equally reductionist, propositions. It deliberately focuses first on a comparative case analysis of two, distinct 'small state-big state' contests drawn from the 1970s, seeking to infer and tease out the conditions that enable smaller 'Lilliputian' states (whether often or rarely) to beat their respective Goliaths. The discussion is then taken forward to examine whether similar tactics can work in relation to contemporary concerns with environmental vulnerability, with a focus on two other, small island states. Before that, the semiotics of 'the small state' need to be explored, since they are suggestive of the perceptions and expectations that are harboured by decision makers at home and abroad and which tend towards the self-fulfilling prophecy. ; peer-reviewed

An analysis is made of the text sent by the National Academy of Medicine to the Constitutional Court, where several petitions through which the decriminalization of abortion directly looked for in certain circumstances are supported. Based on the findings from recent research, it can be inferred that it has not been understood whatever the so-called "previous and rigorous ethic-medical analysis" was, as to lead the National Academy of Medicine to recommend the Constitutional Court to disrespect the right to live of every human individual - in this case particularly with regard to those who are undergoing their intratubal and intrauterine growth and development stages. It is shown that the legalization of abortion is a factor contributing to increase maternal and perinatal morbidity-mortality rates; and the example of Poland serves to illustrate that the boom of international politics in this respect is not necessarily due to the relevance of decriminalization. Moreover, some - indeed efficient - medical and educative policies are put forward.It can be concluded that the UNO report on maternal mortality worldwide (2005) enriches the evidences leading to believe that its commissions - like the CEDAW and the Human Rights Committee - designed to monitor certain international treaties and for some time tending to recommend the legalization of abortion in our Latin American countries and other parts of the world, shall no longer affirm that there is an alleged "right to abortion" - let alone that it should be secured by national and international laws for supposed public health reasons - but, instead, switch their position from effectively promoting to efficiently preventing abortion. ; Se analiza el texto enviado por la Academia Nacional de Medicina a la Corte Constitucional, donde apoya varias demandas, en las que se solicita la despenalización del aborto directamente procurado en ciertos casos. Con base en los hallazgos de investigaciones recientes, se deduce que no se entiende cuál puede ser el "Previo y riguroso análisis ético-médico" que llevó a la Academia Nacional de Medicina a recomendar a la Corte Constitucional que no respete el derecho a la vida de cada individuo humano, en este caso los que viven sus etapas de crecimiento y desarrollo intratubáricos e intrauterinos. Se muestra que la despenalización del aborto es un factor que ayuda a incrementar la morbimortalidad materna y perinatal, y poniendo como ejemplo a Polonia, se ilustra que, en el caso de la despenalización del aborto, no necesariamente el auge de la política internacional obedece a la pertinencia de la misma. Además, se exponen algunas medidas médicas y educativas que sí son eficaces para disminuir el aborto. Se concluye que el informe de la ONU sobre mortalidad materna en el mundo (2005) enriquece las pruebas de que sus comités de monitoreo de algunos tratados internacionales, como el Comité de la CEDAW y el Comité de Derechos Humanos, que venían recomendando la despenalización del aborto a nuestros países latinoamericanos y en otras partes del mundo, ya no deben afirmar que exista el supuesto "derecho al aborto", y menos que este deba ser garantizado por las leyes nacionales e internacionales por supuestos motivos de salud pública, sino que deben pasar pronto de la promoción del aborto, a su prevención eficaz.

This thesis examines the question of what it means to think about a text as Atlantic literature. I consider two novels, Melville's Moby-Dick and Pynchon's Mason & Dixon, in their relation to the Atlantic cycle of capital accumulation. I borrow this term from Ian Baucom, who, drawing on the work of Giovanni Arrighi, argues that the period extending from the late eighteenth century to the late twentieth century represents a definite epoch of historical capitalism: an Atlantic cycle of capital accumulation. To think about these texts as Atlantic literature, then, is to think about how they reproduce the logic of or understand themselves in relation to this Atlantic cycle, the dynamic engine of a circum-Atlantic world. I turn to two key theorists whose work I feel is best suited to each novel. Moby-Dick is primarily focused on capitalist production as represented by the whaling industry,and thus I employ Georg Lukács—particularly his model of realism and its emphasis on revealing the nature of production of a given social field—for my reading of that novel. Mason & Dixon, however, is less directly concerned with production and instead centers its narrative on the consumption of Atlantic commodities, which invites a reading that draws on Walter Benjamin, whose work focuses (primarily) on this stage of capitalist production. In my reading of Moby-Dick, I argue that the novel approaches the requirements of Lukácsian realism, but fails to meet them because of its compositionally eclectic nature. Because Moby-Dick is inherently contradictory, it does not contain what Lukács calls the moving center (the force that orients and directs the "totality of objects" of a given social field, in this case, capital)—or at least not conventionally. Instead, the moving center is displaced and reproduced figuratively in Ahab's monomaniacal hunt for the white whale, leaving the empty shell of its rhetoric on Starbuck: Atlantic capitalism as contradiction. This, I argue, is not Lukácsian realism per se, but what I term a "realism of crisis," as the text encounters its own moving center (capital) in a moment of crisis and subsequently displaces it (to Ahab). Mason & Dixon, however, traces the Atlantic cycle across space and, importantly,through a time that does not simply pass, but accumulates. We see this in the novel's ghostliness, in how it represents commodities, and in the Benjaminian constellation of the late eighteenth and late twentieth centuries—the "bookends" of the Atlantic cycle. Through adopting a Benjaminian philosophy of history, the text reveals how the Atlantic cycle is composed not of discrete and isolated past moments moving through the empty, homogeneous time of capitalist modernity, but rather of nonsynchronously contemporaneous moments accumulating in the wake of a singular historical catastrophe. That catastrophe, Pynchon's "the Day," is analogous to the Atlantic cycle of accumulation. Both novels encounter the logic of capitalist accumulation and respond in turn with an alternative form of accumulation. In Moby-Dick, we see a trend of literary accumulation (the "nonrealist" element) that seeks to counteract the brutalizing reality of the logic of capitalist accumulation (uncovered by he "realist" element). And in Mason & Dixon, we see an accumulative (Benjaminian) philosophy of history that seeks to counteract the empty time of capitalist modernity, and articulates itself as a politics of melancholy.

El presente trabajo de investigación consistió en la evaluación de los problemas estructurales y sistémicos de la educación básica y universitaria de las Regiones Huánuco y Pasco, desde el punto de vista gerencial y presupuestal, y su correlato con los centros de producción de bienes. Los resultados de la presente investigación muestran que el Estado no cumple su función principal que es la de fijar políticas educativas adecuadas para el desarrollo económico-social del país. Las universidades estudiadas no están concebidas bajo los principios de una gestión gerencial moderna, que aunado a la escasa asignación presupuestal, no vienen cumpliendo su misión principal de elevar el nivel académico, efectuar investigación científica y desarrollar actividades de proyección social a la comunidad. La desvinculación de las universidades de la realidad regional y nacional y las exigencias del mundo globalizado y competitivo, agravado por la falta de una eficiente gestión gerencial, han motivado la creación de los centros de producción de bienes, con el objeto de paliar los escasos presupuestos de las universidades. En los periodos 2003-2005, los centros de producción de las universidades públicas de las Regiones Huánuco y Pasco, nos muestra que la evaluación de la gestión gerencial es deficiente y por ende la asignación presupuestal estatal y el aporte financiero y económico de los centros de producción a la mejora presupuestal es negativa, debido a que sus operaciones han sido deficitaria – pérdidas - en perjuicio de las funciones básicas de las universidades; resultando por ello además, perdidas de recursos aportados por las universidades y distracción de tiempo de autoridades, docentes y funcionarios. ; --- The present investigation work consisted in the evaluation of the structural and systemic problem of the basic education and university education about Huánuco and Pasco regions, from the managerial and presupuestal point of view, and his correlates with the centers of goods production. The results of the present investigation show that the government does not fulfill his principal function, is to improve democratic educational politics adapted for the economic - social development of the country. The universities studied are not conceived under the beginning of a managerial modern management that joined the less presupuestal assignment; they do not come fulfilling his principal mission to raise the academic level, to effect scientific investigation and to develop activities of social projection to the community. The detachment of the universities of the regional and national reality include the requirements of the globalizated and competitive world, aggravated by the lack of an efficient managerial management, have motivated the creation of the centers of goods production in order to increase the budgets of the universities. In the 2003-2005 periods, the centers of production of the public universities about Huánuco and Pasco regions, show us the evaluation of the managerial management is deficient hence the government presupuestal assignment and the financial and economic contribution of the production centers to the presupuestal improvement is negative, due to the fact that his operations have been deficit - losses - to the detriment of the basic functions of the universities; proving for it; in addition, losses of resources contributed by the universities and distraction of authorities time, teachers and civil servants. ; Tesis

El presente trabajo de investigación consistió en la evaluación de los problemas estructurales y sistémicos de la educación básica y universitaria de las Regiones Huánuco y Pasco, desde el punto de vista gerencial y presupuestal, y su correlato con los centros de producción de bienes. Los resultados de la presente investigación muestran que el Estado no cumple su función principal que es la de fijar políticas educativas adecuadas para el desarrollo económico-social del país. Las universidades estudiadas no están concebidas bajo los principios de una gestión gerencial moderna, que aunado a la escasa asignación presupuestal, no vienen cumpliendo su misión principal de elevar el nivel académico, efectuar investigación científica y desarrollar actividades de proyección social a la comunidad. La desvinculación de las universidades de la realidad regional y nacional y las exigencias del mundo globalizado y competitivo, agravado por la falta de una eficiente gestión gerencial, han motivado la creación de los centros de producción de bienes, con el objeto de paliar los escasos presupuestos de las universidades. En los periodos 2003-2005, los centros de producción de las universidades públicas de las Regiones Huánuco y Pasco, nos muestra que la evaluación de la gestión gerencial es deficiente y por ende la asignación presupuestal estatal y el aporte financiero y económico de los centros de producción a la mejora presupuestal es negativa, debido a que sus operaciones han sido deficitaria – pérdidas - en perjuicio de las funciones básicas de las universidades; resultando por ello además, perdidas de recursos aportados por las universidades y distracción de tiempo de autoridades, docentes y funcionarios. ; --- The present investigation work consisted in the evaluation of the structural and systemic problem of the basic education and university education about Huánuco and Pasco regions, from the managerial and presupuestal point of view, and his correlates with the centers of goods production. The results of the present investigation show that the government does not fulfill his principal function, is to improve democratic educational politics adapted for the economic - social development of the country. The universities studied are not conceived under the beginning of a managerial modern management that joined the less presupuestal assignment; they do not come fulfilling his principal mission to raise the academic level, to effect scientific investigation and to develop activities of social projection to the community. The detachment of the universities of the regional and national reality include the requirements of the globalizated and competitive world, aggravated by the lack of an efficient managerial management, have motivated the creation of the centers of goods production in order to increase the budgets of the universities. In the 2003-2005 periods, the centers of production of the public universities about Huánuco and Pasco regions, show us the evaluation of the managerial management is deficient hence the government presupuestal assignment and the financial and economic contribution of the production centers to the presupuestal improvement is negative, due to the fact that his operations have been deficit - losses - to the detriment of the basic functions of the universities; proving for it; in addition, losses of resources contributed by the universities and distraction of authorities time, teachers and civil servants. ; Tesis

Throughout the 16th century, which, maybe more than any other, becomes aware of the relativity and the transience of men's lives and accomplishments, scholars strive for repose. We do not use this word with its everyday acceptations it must be understood in the light of the literary, the philosophical, the political and the theological theories of that time. We did not intend to write the history of the material conditions of repose, and this work is not a sociological or an historical study. We tried to reveal the issues, the values and the representations that define the ideal of repose for Renaissance men of letters, indicating the classical and the medieval, the pagan and the christian sources.Partly received as an inheritance from Roman otium, Greek scholè and medieval vacatio, 16th century ideal repose is a matter of salvation : salvation of the Humanists commited in this world, facing the duties of negotium and public life ; salvation of the philosophers and the poets, who seek in hideaways the peacefulness necessary for contemplation and writing ; salvation of the Christians, who set up here below the eternal rest of their souls. The question of repose lies at the crossroad of ethics, politics, theology and metaphysics.What is the time assigned to repose and leisure ? Where and how can one find repose and happiness, without infringing the laws of nature and those of civilization, since man is a social animal ? How can one preserve leisure and peace of mind in an age characterized by a restless mobility ? How can one prevent repose from deteriorating into an inert idleness ? Those are the questions, among many others, we tried to answer. ; En ce XVIe siècle qui, plus que tout autre peut-être, fait l'expérience de la relativité, du caractère transitoire de l'existence et des réalisations humaines, les lettrés réfléchissent aux moyens de goûter enfin au repos. Ce mot ne doit bien évidemment pas être envisagé dans sa seule acception courante, mais au prisme des théories littéraires, philosophiques, politiques et théologiques de l'époque. Il ne s'agit pas de retracer l'histoire des conditions matérielles de l'otium, dans le cadre d'une étude sociologique ou historique, mais de dévoiler les enjeux, les valeurs et les représentations qui définissent le repos idéal pour les hommes de la Renaissance, en signalant les influences antiques et médiévales, païennes et chrétiennes.Héritier en partie de l'otium romain, de la scholè grecque et de la vacatio médiévale, le repos auquel le XVIe siècle aspire est affaire de salut : salut de la quies animi de l'humaniste engagé dans le monde et confronté aux obligations du negotium et des affaires publiques ; salut du philosophe et du poète, qui cherchent dans la retraite la paix nécessaire à la contemplation et à l'écriture ; salut du chrétien, qui prépare ici-bas le repos éternel de son âme. La question du repos se situe au carrefour de l'éthique, de la politique, de la théologie et de la métaphysique.Quel est le temps dévolu à l'otium ? Où et comment trouver le repos qui, tout en restant à la mesure de l'homme, puisse assurer son bonheur ? Comment préserver loisir et tranquillité dans un monde marqué par une extrême mobilité ? Comment éviter que le repos ne se dégrade en molle oisiveté ? Telles sont, parmi d'autres, les questions auxquelles nous avons tenté de répondre.

19 páginas ; An analysis is made of the text sent by the National Academy of Medicine to the Constitutional Court, where several petitions through which the decriminalization of abortion directly looked for in certain circumstances are supported. Based on the findings from recent research, it can be inferred that it has not been understood whatever the so-called "previous and rigorous ethic-medical analysis" was, as to lead the National Academy of Medicine to recommend the Constitutional Court to disrespect the right to live of every human individual - in this case particularly with regard to those who are undergoing their intratubal and intrauterine growth and development stages. It is shown that the legalization of abortion is a factor contributing to increase maternal and perinatal morbidity-mortality rates; and the example of Poland serves to illustrate that the boom of international politics in this respect is not necessarily due to the relevance of decriminalization. Moreover, some - indeed efficient - medical and educative policies are put forward.It can be concluded that the UNO report on maternal mortality worldwide (2005) enriches the evidences leading to believe that its commissions - like the CEDAW and the Human Rights Committee - designed to monitor certain international treaties and for some time tending to recommend the legalization of abortion in our Latin American countries and other parts of the world, shall no longer affirm that there is an alleged "right to abortion" - let alone that it should be secured by national and international laws for supposed public health reasons - but, instead, switch their position from effectively promoting to efficiently preventing abortion. ; Se analiza el texto enviado por la Academia Nacional de Medicina a la Corte Constitucional, donde apoya varias demandas, en las que se solicita la despenalización del aborto directamente procurado en ciertos casos. Con base en los hallazgos de investigaciones recientes, se deduce que no se entiende cuál puede ser el "Previo y riguroso análisis ético-médico" que llevó a la Academia Nacional de Medicina a recomendar a la Corte Constitucional que no respete el derecho a la vida de cada individuo humano, en este caso los que viven sus etapas de crecimiento y desarrollo intratubáricos e intrauterinos. Se muestra que la despenalización del aborto es un factor que ayuda a incrementar la morbimortalidad materna y perinatal, y poniendo como ejemplo a Polonia, se ilustra que, en el caso de la despenalización del aborto, no necesariamente el auge de la política internacional obedece a la pertinencia de la misma. Además, se exponen algunas medidas médicas y educativas que sí son eficaces para disminuir el aborto. Se concluye que el informe de la ONU sobre mortalidad materna en el mundo (2005) enriquece las pruebas de que sus comités de monitoreo de algunos tratados internacionales, como el Comité de la CEDAW y el Comité de Derechos Humanos, que venían recomendando la despenalización del aborto a nuestros países latinoamericanos y en otras partes del mundo, ya no deben afirmar que exista el supuesto "derecho al aborto", y menos que este deba ser garantizado por las leyes nacionales e internacionales por supuestos motivos de salud pública, sino que deben pasar pronto de la promoción del aborto, a su prevención eficaz.

Based on her field studies between 1999 and 2003 in the South Indian State Kerala, the author critically reflects about Habermas's concept of the (bourgeois) public sphere, and also about later critiques of Habermas (eg. Eley). Schulze adds the new dimensions of human emotionality and humane ethics to the discussion of today's public (spheres) and civil societies which are part of globalising modernisations. It is poor and marginalized women's strongly felt compassion and love practised in their daily lives, which Schulze focusses on: these Marginalized ethics of the 'Good life' do sharply contrast the dominant societies' value systems; these latters consequently don't provide to the Marginaliezed a 'model'. However, Kerala, which is widely refered to as a development model - particularly with respect to the situation/ education of its women - is thus analysed by the author as a historically and culturally specific kind of 'modernity', which follows are rather violent and aggressive path of development in consonance with the general ruling anti-human/ nature philosophy of 'globalization'. Schulze's tool in her field work is 'participatory action research' and also her 'empathic camera' (camcoder). She mixed with local women who had organized themselves in women's groups with the urge to truly represent themSelves and their own ethics and goals in life - without the usual intervention of men/ of nationalist politics ruling Kerala's public sphere(s). In the course of Schulze and the local women groups becoming acquainted with each other, the scholar and the Marginalized felt the desire to support each other in their respective struggles for empowerment and for being respected as a human being. The author finally understood the fallacy and cynicism which lies in applying as a scholar the term 'women in Kerala' as if there wasn't the day to day particular violence which women of dalit ('untouchable'), or of adivasi (indigenous) background experience. Women's lives are moulded by networks of violence which are inherent to Kerala's castes, classes, and ethnicities, parallel to the basic oppression which women face because they are women. A group of dalit women in Kerala became particularly close companions in Schulze's quest for unravelling seemingly contradictory facts: Kerala's official claim to provide to women and other persons who were generally discriminated against in the larger Indian context, a supportive social and educational environment, on the one hand, and on the other hand the comparatively high number of suicides among Keralite women (and men), and the absence of women in what appears as Kerala's public sphere and 'civil society'. In several analytical steps which always centre around the experiences and feelings of the many poor and marginalized women, their life-worlds, their daily life philosophies, their views, voices, their ethics, dreams, Schulze unfolds these Marginalized visions, and tries to interpret them on their own terms. In this manner not only the mainstream society's propaganda about the 'Kerala development model' is demystified, but also to the reader insights become possible into a totally different set of ethics held by these women. They transgress notions of competition, of the 'necessary' monetarisation of all spheres of human life and of nature, of caste, religious, or gender conflicts. By means of 13 small video films the women together with Schulze showed and reflected upon their philosophy of an empowered 'Good life'.

Speaking for or about others has featured consistently in current feminist debates as it is becoming clear that the assumed homogeneity of women within social groups is not realistic. It has become clear that difference can no longer be analysed in terms of race, gender and sexuality alone. Other factors such as history, nationality, and culture demand more attention than they have been previously accorded, which makes many alliances across national boundaries subject to redefinition and reconceptualisation. This thesis looks at the attendant dangers of ignoring the differences within alliances based on race and gender. I analyse Alice Walker's representation of African women and female circumcision in her novels Possessing the Secret of Joy and The Color Purple and her documentary film Warrior Marks and its accompanying book of the same name the text, to argue that when national and cultural differences are sacrificed for sisterhood and solidarity based on a superficial universalisation of racial and gender oppression, the totalising, discursive tendencies that many critics objected to in second wave mainstream feminism are replicated. Walker differentiates between African women as objects of her discourse and the Western women as its audience. In her representation of Africa and Africans, particularly African women, she is not self-reflexive enough to explore the impact of her ideological location in the West on her identity. Thus, she does not create enough distance between her cultural and ideological upbringing to be able to escape the charge of ethnocentrism. Because she reads African women from her location in American culture, her work is best read within the African American literature on Africa and Africans dating back three centuries. That the sisterhood that Walker's work advances between African American and African women is informed by unequal power relations between the West and Third World is made clear by her deployment of her womanist ethic in two of her novels, The Color Purple and Possessing the Secret of Joy. A comparison of the two novels shows that Walker overemphasises the differences between Africans and African-Americans in order to assert the superiority of African American identity to African identity. From her politics in both these novels it becomes clear female circumcision provides Walker with an opportunity to air her Africanist/neo-colonialist attitudes. Her texts on African women, in Possessing the Secret of Joy in particular, evinces her indebtedness to the imperialist tradition of writing about Africa as it is a projection rather than a perception. And like most imperialist texts, it tells us more about her pathologies and obsessions as a representing subject than about the Africans she seeks to portray. The position that she creates for herself in the novel is problematic because it is predicated on the essentialist notion of race and gender, and on a slippery identification process that casts her as both subject and object. This thesis does not look at the practice of female circumcision in Africa, but at Walker's representation of the practice. This is mainly because Walker's representation of Africans is part of a larger discourse on African women: for Walker female circumcision provides vehicle for her to participate in this discourse.

The protests that took place at the World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle, Washington, in late 1999 (and the series of similar, subsequent protests around the globe) have marked a new phase in the struggle for social justice. One approach to understanding the demonstrations is to view the activists as protesting what they perceive to be their lack of control– over the conditions of their economies, environments, lives and communities. In association with such protests, discontent has also been manifest through the efforts of local–scale actors to confront a `spaceless and timeless globalization' by pursuing strategies to assert power over local conditions at the local scale. Using the United States as an example, this article examines such local scale efforts in relation to international political economic changes and after–Fordist urban political restructuring. It explores three ways groups or individuals attempt to pursue local economic development within a liberal democratic capitalist system without compromising the equally important goals of justice and equity: (1) local ownership; (2) local regulation; and (3) local market development. The argument put forward in this article is that, while after–Fordist scalar restructuring represents a strategic effort by capital to gain power over and opportunity for capital accumulation, it may also present new opportunities for social justice activism at the local scale, provided local scale actors can develop and mobilize a consciousness of justice and a multi–scalar understanding of place, and can utilize the politics of scale by linking together similar projects across scalar divisions.Les manifestations qui ont eu lieu lors du sommet de l'Organisation du Commerce International à Seattle, celles de Washington fin 1999 (et l'ensemble des protestations similaires et ultérieures à travers le monde) ont marqué une nouvelle étape dans la lutte pour la justice sociale. On peut appréhender cette agitation en considérant que les activistes protestent contre ce qu'ils perçoivent comme leur absence de maîtrise (sur la situation de leurs économies, environnements, vies et communautés). Parallèlement, un mécontentement s'est exprimé par le biais d'acteurs de niveau local qui cherchaient à défier une 'mondialisation sans bornes temporelles ni spatiales' en manoevrant de façon à imposer un pouvoir sur la situation locale â l'échelle locale. A partir du cas des Etats–Unis, cet article étudie ces tentatives locales en function des évolutions politico–économiques internationals et de la restructuration de la politique urbaine de l'après–Fordisme. Il explore trois moyens utilisés par des groupes ou individus s'efforçant de mener à bien l'expansion économique locale au sein d'un sysème capitaliste démocratique libéral sans compromettre les objectifs de justice et d'équité, tout aussi importants, que sont propriété locale, régulation locale et développement du marché local. L'article suggère que si la restructuration d'échelle de l'après–Fordisme représente un effort stratégique du capital pour acquérir du pouvoir et une occasion d'accumuler du capital, elle peut aussi offrir de nouvelles possibilitiés pour un activisme de justice sociale au niveau local, sous réserve que les acteurs à l'échelon local puissent développer et mobiliser une prise de conscience en termes de justice et une comprehénsion du lieu à différentes échelles, et qu'ils puissent exploiter la politique des échelles en reliant les projets similaires appartenant à plusieurs d'entre elles.

Bio/Technology/Diversity News Bulletin Volume 3, Number 19 (1994) Produced by the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy September 12, 1994 Volume 3, Number 19 Code Number: NL94048 Size of Files: Text: 31K No associated graphics files _____________________________________________ HEADLINES _____________________________________________ - rBGH NEWS OF THE WEEK The National Association of State Departments of Agriculture (NASDA) has issued a chart outlining state labeling laws with regard to dairy products and the use of recombinant bovine growth hormone (rBGH). - STAND UP FOR BIOTECH A recent commentary in THE PACKER claims that it is time to stand up for biotechnology. - PTO SEEKING COMMENT ON BIOTECH INNOVATIONS Early this month, the commissioner of the Patents and Trademarks Office (PTO) announced it is seeking public comment on a proposal relating to patent protection for "biotechnological innovations . - CALGENE STILL SUFFERING FROM FLAVR SAVR DELAY Calgene, the company that created the genetically engineered Flavr Savr, guaranteed to ripen at a slower pace, said it is still suffering financially as the result of delayed approval by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). - EPA DRAFTS NEW BIOTECH LAWS The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced recently that it has drafted laws designed to prevent adverse effects of genetically engineered microorganisms. - FORBES PORTRAYS SALLY FOX AS AMERICAN SUCCESS STORY FORBES magazine recently featured an article on plant breeder Sally Fox, famous for her naturally colored cotton stocks. - BALTIMORE THE BIOTECH MECCA The city of Baltimore is currently working with the state of Maryland to develop a plan to lure biotechnology to the area. - GUIDELINES DUE OUT FOR EMBRYO RESEARCH At the end of this month, an advisory panel to the National Institutes of Health will release its guidelines governing the use of human embryos in scientific research. - BITS AND PIECES - BABBITT SAYS A DEAL'S A DEAL ON LAND USE Last month, Interior Secretary Bruce Babbitt said that landowners who reach land use agreements will no longer have to worry about the government reneging on those agreements. - WORLD BIRD SPECIES DECLINE; 11% FACE EXTINCTION At an international conference on species protection in Rosenheim, Germany last month, participants were told that 11% of the world's bird species faced extinction and an additional 40% were in trouble. - AUSTRALIA SAY BIODIVERSITY IS KEY TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Biodiversity and environmental management are at the heart of Australia's National Strategy for Ecologically Sustainable Development. RESOURCES The Council for Agricultural Science and Technology (CAST) at Iowa State University has published a new report entitled LABELING OF FOOD-PLANT BIOTECHNOLOGY PRODUCTS. NON-FOOD USES OF RAW AGRICULTURAL MATERIALS -- ECONOMICS, BIOTECHNOLOGY AND POLITICS is a new book by University of London researcher Caroline Spelman. _____________________________________________ CALENDAR OF EVENTS _____________________________________________ Produced by: Michelle Thom, Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, 1313 5th Street SE Suite 303, Minneapolis, MN 55414, Tel: (612) 379-5980 Fax: (612) 379-5982 EMail: mthom@igc.apc.org or mmthom@alex.stkate.edu. In addition to this news bulletin, the Institute publishes a variety of news bulletins on agriculture, the environment and international trade. All bulletins may be reproduced and distributed freely without prior permission as long as proper attribution is included. A copy of any publication in which an IATP bulletin is cited would be appreciated.

Bibliography: pages 231-239. ; The thesis examines the 'making' of an african working class in Port Elizabeth. It offers an alternative interpretation to conventional histories which emphasize continuity both in the idea of a strong industrial working class and in a tradition of militant and effective worker organisation. At the same time, it posits the idea that there was a working-class movement which developed among Port Elizabeth's african community in the late 1940's and 1950's. Chapter 1 examines population growth in Port Elizabeth, the growth of secondary industry, and employment opportunities for africans. It is argued that limited opportunities for african employment in secondary industry affected the forms of working-class organisation that emerged. Chapter 2 examines the situation of the urban african population in the 1920's and 1930's, looking at factors which influenced its organisation and consciousness. The low wages paid to african workers were not challenged effectively in this period by the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union which had declined by the mid-1920's, or the Trades and Labour Council which did not organise african workers. However, the permanently urbanised status of the majority of the african population laid the basis for a militant community consciousness. Chapter 3 analyses attempts to organise african workers during the Second World War. It focusses on Wage Board determinations. the first african trade unions formed by the Ballingers and Max Gordon, the organisation of the Council of Non-European Trade Unions and the Trades and Labour Council, and the organisation of railway workers. It is argued that these attempts at organising african labour were largely unsuccessful in building strong industrial unions with an african leadership. Chapter 4 looks at the rise of the 'new unions' in the post-war period, when african workers were drawn into manufacturing on a large scale, and an african working-class leadership began to emerge. The response to this from the state, capital and other trade unions is examined through looking at the struggles of workers in four sectors: stevedoring, laundry, textiles and food. These sectors are contrasted with the tertiary sector where organisation of african workers was weak. Chapter 5 examines the politics of reproduction of the african working class between 1 945 and 1960. It looks at changes in the nature of the African National Congress and the Communist Party of South Africa, and at innovative strategies around issues of reproduction. The role of women's organisation and their struggle against the extension of pass laws is highlighted, and it is posited that a working class movement developed in this period. Chapter 6 analyses the application of influx control in Port Elizabeth in the 1950's, and the conflict of interests over the implementation of the labour bureau system. It examines the divisions in the african working class between migrants and non-migrants, and the response of different sections of the working class. Chapter 7 looks at the role of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. It is argued that the integration of point-of-production struggles with community and political struggles was the outcome of the position of african workers in industry combined with strong political organisation in the 'sphere of reproduction'. Changes in the structural position of african workers combined with political repression led to the collapse of this working class movement in the early 1960's.

Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1979) was a French intellectual, philosopher and literateur who stood on a common platform of philosophy and psychology. His importance to us lies not only in his great impact on twentieth century thought, but also because he outlined a fairly elaborate system of descriptive psychology as a prelude to his ontological description of the world. His treatises on 'Imagination' and 'Emotions' are classics in the existential tradition. His novels and plays are based on the same themes as concern a psychiatrist in his daily clinic. His principal text of philosophy, 'Being and Nothingness', contains a whole chapter on 'Existential Psychoanalysis'. Not surprisingly, therefore, he has had a significant impact on our approach to mental patients. With the increasing emphasis on the scientific method, the philosophical moorings of medical science became more and more blurred. The result was an impersonal view of the diseased. Thus during this period it had become common practice to view human beings as objects worthy of study from the disease view point. As a result the disease and its causation became more important than the diseased person himself. It must be granted that progress in medicine often results from this passion with causation. However, a causal view of phenomena presupposes that clarity about the phenomena exists among us. Prior to the problem of establishing the etiological basis of a disease entity, there is the problem of uncovering the phenomenal character of the disease in question. This task may not be formidable in most branches of medicine, but in the case of psychiatry the disease entities are human realities themselves expressed in the life activities of fellow-men. This is where empirical psychology breaks down and why some psychiatrists tend to resort to the existential-ontological departure. The point is to liberate man from the speculative subject-object relationship and to stress his uniqueness and individuality. This movement started with Binswanger (1881-1966) who was the first psychoanalyst to use Heidegger's principles to criticize Freud (4,5). He was in the quest of a genuine psychology (7). There have been other psychiatrists of repute who emulated his example. Some prominent psychologists who have been influenced to varying degrees by existentialism are Allport, Angyal, Fromm, Goldstein, Maslow and Rogers (10). At the same time, existential philosophers have themselves been keenly interested in psychology and psychiatry. Karl Jaspers began life as a psychiatrist and his first major work was his General Psychopathology' (12). Jean-Paul Sartre has been keenly interested in psychology and has written a lot on the subject (17). Admittedly, Sartre's impact on psychiatry and psychotherapy has not been as significant as on literature and politics (7). But he has, along with Heidegger, provided a unification which has helped in the understanding of the normal human mind as well as the abnormal one. The series of steps Sartre took towards his totalization of human experience are of great interest to a psychologist because of his investigation of psychic phenomena in the process. This detailed evaluation of individual phenomena is, he says, the only way we can make psychology progress. His insistence on the unambiguous description of such phenomena is in the great Husserlian tradition (28). Here, we shall take a look at the series of steps Sartre took towards his composite view of human psychology.