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Introduction: Get real -- Generation and national narration -- Education, exile, and existentialism in the 1960s -- The rise of the return-to-reality generation in the 1970s -- The rediscovery of Taiwan new literature -- The reception of nativist literature -- Dangwai historiography -- Conclusion: The renarration of identity.

Mississippi in 1965: the struggle for the right to vote -- Mississippi's massive resistance to Black political empowerment -- The judicial response to massive resistance: Allen v. State board of elections -- The struggle against discriminatory legislative redistricting -- The impact of the struggle for Black political participation on Mississippi politics -- The impact of Mississippi legislation on national voting rights law -- Race and Mississippi politics: changes and continuitites

The idea of the 'Swedish model' has been a widespread and enduring concept in the social sciences since the 1930s, associated with the political dominance of the Social Democratic Party, peaceful social development and a tradition of political consensus. Taking this exceptionalism as their starting point, the essays in this volume present new research on Swedish political movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which have been largely forgotten in history writing. The authors exa...

Cover -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Post-development -- 2.1 Critiques of development -- 2.2. A sceptical post-development stance -- 2.3 Local embedding of international discourse -- 3 The international and transnational anti-corruption campaign (INTACD) -- 3.1 Conceptions of corruption based on modernisation theory -- 3.2 Rational-legal authority and the public-private divide -- 3.3 Economic conceptualisation of corruption -- 3.4 Critiques of the INTACD -- 3.4.1 INTACD-compatible critiques -- 3.4.2 Fundamentally contesting critiques of the INTACD -- 4 Research gaps, case study selection and methods -- 4.1 Combining Post-development and critical anti-corruption studies and resulting research gaps -- 4.2 Contrasting cases: Paraguay and Chile -- 4.3 Methods: discourse analysis and constructionist expert interviews -- 4.3.1 Argumentative discourse analysis -- 4.3.2 Constructionist expert interviews -- 4.3.3 Delimitation of the discourse -- 5 Anti-corruption narratives in Paraguay -- 5.1 The economic narrative -- 5.2 The 'orekuete' narrative -- 5.3 Historical path dependency (HPD): corruption as a legacy of the Stroessner regime -- 5.4 Interim conclusion -- 6 Anti-corruption narratives in Chile -- 6.1 Chile as a success case and an example in Latin America -- 6.2 Subnarratives: centre-left and right wing -- 6.3 The contesting narrative -- 6.4 Interim conclusion -- 7 Two ways of emancipation through local translations of international discourse -- 8 The anti-corruption discourse and the concept of social capital -- 8.1 Corruption as a social relationship and the division between micro- and macro-moral -- 8.2 The INTACD and its conceptualisation of personal social relations -- 8.3 Personal social relations in the concept of social capital -- 8.4 Discretion, reinforced anti-statism and a paternalist development discourse

Uruguay was once the most stable democracy in Latin America, but in 1973 the military seized power for the first time. Political parties did not disappear, however, even though they were made illegal. By the 1980s Uruguay's generals were anxious to find a way to withdraw from power. Yet they continued to insist on certain guarantees as the price for holding elections. The issue of whether to make any concessions to the military came to divide the country's three major parties - the Blancos, the Colorados, and the Left. Nevertheless, the last two parties eventually did agree to a pact in July 1984. The military agreed to return to the barracks and the politicians made an implicit commitment not to prosecute them for their past human rights violations