Suchergebnisse

Contents: Part I: Financing economic and social cohesion -- 1. Funding European solidarity / Ewald Nowotny, Doris Ritzberger-Grünwald, Helene Schuberth -- 2. The role of the European Union in fostering convergence / Benoît Cœuré -- Part II: The role of monetary policy in catching-up -- 3. Monetary policy and catching-up in CESEE / Anita Angelovska Bezhoska -- 4. Some considerations about the impact of monetary policy on economic convergence / Mugur Isărescu -- 5. Nominal versus real convergence: Bulgaria's practical approach toward euro adoption / Dimitar Radev -- Part III: Cohesion within and between countries -- 6. Strengthening economic convergence in Europe / Jeffrey D. Sachs -- 7. Trust and cohesion in Europe: Lessons from the Delian League / Athanasios Orphanides -- Part IV: The role of the EU budget -- 8. The next EU budget and the financing of cohesion policy / Sándor Richter -- 9. Strengthening added value and sustainability-orientation in the EU budget / Margit Schratzenstaller-Altzinger -- 10. EU budget: How to deliver more with less? The case for financial instruments / Stéphane Saurel -- Part V: Industrial policy and investment -- 11. Deindustrialization, job polarization and ageing in emerging / Europe Ralph De Haas, Martin Höflmayr -- 12. Mind the gap: How does the flow of EU funds match structural investment gaps in CESEE? / Tomáš Slačík -- 13. Improving host countries' investment environment: Is the national supply side really the right focus? / Andrew Watt -- Index.

Contemporary issues and methods. Challenges to legal translators in institutional settings / Susan ¿arcevic -- Corpora in institutional legal translation: small steps and the big picture / Lucja Biel -- Comparative law and legal translation as partners in knowledge communication: frames as a descriptive instrument / Jan Engberg -- Translation quality in law- and policy-making and implementation. Towards a more structured approach to quality assurance: DGT's quality journey / Ingemar Strandvik -- The skills required to achieve quality in institutional translation: the views of EU and UN revisers / Anne Lafeber -- Legal terminology consistency and adequacy as quality indicators in institutional translation: a mixed-method comparative study / Fernando Prieto Ramos and Diego Guzmán -- Comparing multilingual practices in the EU and the Canadian legal systems: the case of terminological choices in legislative drafting / Agnieszka Doczekalska -- Legal-linguistic profiling as translation aid: the example of EU agency / Colin Robertson -- Translating hybrid legal texts for science and technology institutions: the case of cern / Mathilde Fontanet -- Translation and multilingual case-law. The impact of multilingualism on the judgments of the EU Court of Justice / Susan Wright -- A corpus investigation of translation-generated diversity in EU case-law / Aleksandar Trklja -- Specificities of translation at the European Court of Human Rights: policy and practice / James Brannan -- Comparative interpretation of multilingual law in international courts: patterns and implications for translation / Fernando Prieto Ramos and Lucie Pacho Aljanati

"Smart procurement aims to leverage public buying power in pursuit of social, environmental and innovation goals. Socially-orientated smart procurement has been a controversial issue under EU law. The extent to which the Court of Justice (ECJ) has supported or rather constrained its development has been intensely debated by academics and practitioners alike. After the slow development of a seemingly permissive approach, the ECJ case law reached an apparent turning point a decade ago in the often criticised judgments in Rüffert and Laval, which left a number of open questions. The more recent judgments in Bundesdruckerei and RegioPost have furthered the ECJ case law on socially-orientated smart procurement and aimed to clarify the limits within which Member States can use it to enforce labour standards. This case law opens up additional possibilities, but it also creates legal uncertainty concerning the interaction of the EU rules on the posting of workers, public procurement and fundamental internal market freedoms. These developments have been magnified by the reform of the EU public procurement rules in 2014. This book assesses the limits that the revised EU rules and the more recent ECJ case law impose on socially-orientated smart procurement and, more generally, critically reflects on potential future developments in this area of intersection of several strands of EU economic law."--Bloomsbury Publishing

First published in 1999, this volume recognises that in the course of European integration, national economic policy makers lose some effective policy instruments. Contributors to this omnibus volume analyse the 'room for maneuvering' available to national and EU economic and social policies under the conditions of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) They explore the possibilities for European coordination and discuss the tasks of employers' associations and labour unions on the national and EU level in wage, employment and macroeconomic policies. Section 1 of the book deals with the strengths and weaknesses of the EU in the context of global competition. In spite of national differences, many of the EU member countries share important characteristics. Section 2 addresses the need for and the feasibility of policy coordination in the EMU. With the start of the EMU, wage policy will have to bear the main burden of absorbing asymmetrical economic shocks. The authors from the DIW argue that a wage policy favourable to economic growth, employment and convergence has to be guided by the inflation target set by the European Central Bank (ECB) and by the long-term increase of productivity in individual countries. A precondition for this kind of wage policy is coordination between the main actors of EU economic policy (ECB, EcoFin, social partners).

In Continent by Default, Anne Marie Le Gloannec, a distinguished analyst of contemporary Europe, considers the European Union as a geopolitical project. This book offers a comprehensive narrative of how the European Union came to organize the continent, first by default through enlargement and in a more proactive, innovative, but not always successful way. The EU was not conceived as a foreign-policy actor, she says, and the Union was an innocent on questions of geopolitics. For readers who may wonder how the EU arrived at Brexit, the invasion of Ukraine, and the refugee crisis, Le Gloannec ties events to the EU's long-term failure to think in politically strategic terms. Le Gloannec takes readers through the process by which, under the security umbrella of the United States, the European Commission engineered a new way for states and societies to interact. Continent by Default shows the Commission domesticated international relations and promoted peace by including new members—enlargement was the most significant tool the EU used from its inception to organize the continent, but the EU also tied itself to its regional neighbors through various programs that too often gave those neighbors the advantage. As Continent by Default makes clear, the EU cannot devise strategy because foreign policy remains the privilege of national governments. It is a geopolitical actor without geopolitical means.

Ozone-depleting substances (ODS) have been used worldwide in a wide range of industrial and consumer applications. Their control under the Montreal Protocol has led to an uptake of alternatives, especially in refrigeration and air conditioning, as well as firefighting applications. Hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) and other fluorinated gases – commonly referred to as F-gases – are among the most prominent ODS alternatives. These gases have no measurable effect on ozone depletion and now find widespread application. However, their high global warming potential (GWP) means that they are contributing to climate change and are therefore subject to the Kyoto Protocol under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). This guidance document summarises the regulatory framework for both, ODS and F-gases, in the European Union (EU) and puts them into the Bulgarian context. New measures introduced by Regulation (EU) No. 517/2014, including the EU HFC phase-down and bans are highlighted. The document focuses on developing guidance and recommendations in regards to the implementation of both, the EU ODS and F-gas Regulations. Experience, also in other EU member states, is therefore referred to throughout the text. The goal of the document is to support Bulgaria in maximising its regulatory and enforcement capabilities with a focus on market surveillance and inspections of companies.

"In recent years the financial and economic crisis of 2008-9 has progressed into an equally important political and democratic crisis of the EU. These troubled times set the framework to re-assess a number of important questions in regard to representative democracy in the EU, such as the normative foundation of political representation, the institutional relationship between representatives and represented, the link between democracy and representation and new arenas and actors. This book examines the diverse avenues through which different sorts of actors express their voices during the Euro crisis and how their various interests are translated into the decision-making process. It offers a state-of-the-art assessment of what political representation means in this context as well as a contribution to the "representative turn" in democratic theory. The authors address three key themes:The main actors and channels of political representation in the EU. Interlocking levels of representation in the EU and the way in which national and supranational representation works. How the European institutional system represents EU citizens through law and administration. Focusing on the importance of representation in the legitimation of democracy, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of European Union politics, European studies, democratic theory, representation studies, civil society and transnational democracy"--

"In recent years the financial and economic crisis of 2008-9 has progressed into an equally important political and democratic crisis of the EU. These troubled times set the framework to re-assess a number of important questions in regard to representative democracy in the EU, such as the normative foundation of political representation, the institutional relationship between representatives and represented, the link between democracy and representation and new arenas and actors. This book examines the diverse avenues through which different sorts of actors express their voices during the Euro crisis and how their various interests are translated into the decision-making process. It offers a state-of-the-art assessment of what political representation means in this context as well as a contribution to the "representative turn" in democratic theory. The authors address three key themes:The main actors and channels of political representation in the EU. Interlocking levels of representation in the EU and the way in which national and supranational representation works. How the European institutional system represents EU citizens through law and administration. Focusing on the importance of representation in the legitimation of democracy, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of European Union politics, European studies, democratic theory, representation studies, civil society and transnational democracy"--

"This book presents a ground-breaking comparative study of the bilateral relations of all 27 EU member states with Russia and an assessment of their impact on the EU's efforts to conduct a coherent and effective policy towards its most important neighbour. While there has been a lot of research on European foreign policy, there has been much less on the role that national foreign policies play in it. Based on a common analytical framework, this book offers a detailed analysis of 'national perspectives on Russia' and how they interact with and affect policymaking at the EU-level. The authors provide deep insights into the relationship between individual states and Russia looking at a range of policy areas: economics, trade, energy, security, culture and education. They are not only interested in examining policy failure but also probing the possibilities of seeing national foreign policies and the bilateralism with third parties that they often entail as a potentially positive resource for the European Union. As Russia is an example of a particularly hard case for EU foreign policy, this book yields important insights concerning the possibilities as well as limits of developing a common EU policy in the future. It will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics, EU Studies, Russian politics, foreign policy studies and international politics."--Publisher's website

The EU and global emergencies : competence and instruments / Marise Cremona -- Conflicts of competence in responding to global emergencies / Alan Dashwood -- Constitutional limits to delegated powers / Robert Schütze -- The European Union and peaceful settlement of disputes in its neighbourhood : the emergence of a new regional security actor? / Steven Blockmans and Ramses A. Wessel -- Counter-terrorism and fundamental rights : judicial challenges and legislative changes after the rulings in Kadi and PMOI / Eleanor Spaventa -- The EU and energy security : a critical review of the legal issues / Peter D. Cameron -- The international financial crisis, global financial governance and the European Union / Jan Wouters, Steven Sterkx and Tim Corthaut -- Debt crisis as a global emergency : the European economic constitution and other Greek fables / Antonis Antoniadis -- Securing safety, controlling crises : development and misapplication of food law in the European Union / Caoimhin MacMaolain -- Food safety at the WTO after Continued Suspension : a paradigm shift? / Alessandra Arcuri -- The EU and human trafficking : framing a regional response to a global emergency / Holly Cullen -- Common security and defence policy crisis management missions : an effective tool for EU response to emergencies / Gilles Marhic -- The constitutional apparatus of the European Union : the perspective of the European Commission / Eric White -- The European Parliament and EU external aid : measures of response to emergency situations / Daniela Gauci.

The main objective of the report at hand was to gather available and authorized data, both published and unpublished, on the nutrition and health situation in the countries of the European Union (EU). Whereas the first report, released in 2004, included 13 EU member states and Norway, the 2009 edition covers 24 EU member states and Norway. For the collection of data, the researchers concentrated on the following points: The description of trends in food supply in the EU, focusing also on the different regions; the comparison of average daily individual food availability at household level; the evaluation of individual food consumption and energy and nutrient intake; the description of data on diet-related health indicators and status; and the analysis of food and nutrition policies in countries of the European Union. Throughout, the impact of age and gender is emphasized, and special attention is being paid to the different regions of the EU. The broad scope of the subjects covered and the improved quality of the data collected make the European Nutrition and Health Report 2009 an accurate documentation and sound source of information. Providing a basis for the work of the institutions responsible for health and nutrition policy, it is especially suitable for use in international comparisons of the nutrition and health situation

AbstractWhile much of the recent literature on the impact of COVID-19 has focussed on governance at the EU level and specific policy areas, the changing political institutional arrangements within the EU Member States themselves have received significantly less attention. This article aims to contribute filling this gap by asking: how, and to what extent, has the core executive in Italy changed to manage and implement the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP)? Italy has been heavily hit by the COVID-19 pandemic and has subsequently been allocated the largest proportion of the Next Generation EU (NGEU) funds: it is therefore a 'most likely' case of organisational adaptation. We argue that the implementation of the NRRP triggers centralisation of power in the core executive. Such concentration of power, however, takes different forms depending on the composition of the executive. We also find that 'coordinative' Europeanisation occurs through the continuous interaction and exchange between the executive actors (political and administrative) based in Rome and the European Commission in Brussels. Such interaction showcases the attempt to manage both further integration and politicisation of the EU. The collaboration between the European Commission and the national executive is based both on the recognition of the value of the political ownership of the NRRP and the importance of the EU support for post-pandemic recovery.

This editorial introduces a thematic issue that examines the consequences of the accession of the Central and East European countries to the EU 20 years onward. The socioeconomic transformation of these countries in the pre-accession period was considered a remarkable success, that was attributed to the EU's conditionality policy. However, in the post-accession period, when these countries gained full membership rights and began playing a more active political role, they started deviating from some EU norms and rules, against a backdrop of EU crises. This shift has been, notably, reflected in concerns about democratic backsliding and rule of law violations. Nonetheless, the contributions in this issue also underscore that these countries have internalized (both top-down and bottom-up) EU norms and rules to a much greater extent than the focus on conditionality would suggest. Moreover, since Russia invaded Ukraine, Central and East European countries have become entrepreneurs of EU policy and bolstered its transformative power. These findings indicate a need to focus not only on the fundamental shortcomings in these countries—as the attention conferred to the (lack of post-accession) conditionality suggests—but also to consider other factors, such as the quality of the EU's governance and political system, policy learning, geopolitics, and member states' domestic politics.

In the preliminary ruling procedure under Article 267 TFEU, national courts refer questions of interpretation of EU law to the Court of Justice of the EU. At times, national courts not only ask questions but immediately propose answers to those questions. Recently, this kind of behaviour of national courts has attracted increased scholarly attention. In this article, I focus on these situations in two aspects. First, I analyse a selected set of references for preliminary ruling received by the Court of Justice between 2018 and 2020 to see how often the Court gets to the same answers to the referred questions as proposed by national courts. Second, I reflect on the factors that could make an impact on this practice. Among them are judicial resources and specialisation in EU law-related matters on the one hand, and values and interests that are promoted by specific answers on the other. More specifically, it appears that when national courts take into consideration and invoke most or all relevant arguments, as well as when they propose integrationist outcomes, the Court of Justice tends to reach the same answers they suggest. These observations in the end lead to a number of important questions about the national courts' enforcement and interpretation of EU law and the viability of their role of "EU courts" more broadly.

The recent enactment of the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR) has significantly strengthened the social dimension of the European Union (EU), including the social investment (SI) elements of that social dimension. What is not known, however, to what extent the priorization of SI is supported by the broader public. To address this research gap, we investigate public opinion on 15 different policy areas from the EPSR using Eurobarometer data from 2020 across all EU countries, asking whether the public rather prefers these policies to be delivered at EU or national level. A principal finding is that the public indeed supports more SI than CP policies with respect to EU-level social policy, and more CP than SI policies with respect to national-level social policy. We also investigate whether socioeconomic status (SES) and welfare state effort can explain this phenomenon. We find that higher socio-economic status and more generous welfare states are associated with more support for SI policies on both EU and national levels and vice versa. The findings emphasize the importance of what policies are provided versus who provides them but also pose a puzzle for trade-offs in multilevel governance settings. Hence, the article has important implications for future research on public opinion and Social Europe.