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International audience ; Seen from Ecuador, Esmeraldas is a strategic city, yet a vulnerable one. The structure of its territory imbeds various regimes of accumulation, successively linked with the bana-na and the oil booms, and, more recently with tourism development. Each time, those booms framed different parts of the city: the Esmeraldas river embankments, the lower river Teaone valley, and the seafront – Balneario de Las Palmas. Each time, those evolu-tions escaped land-use planning, as well as control by the local actors. The main actors driving urban dynamics gathered foreign companies, the Ecuadorian state, the oil and energy-related sectors. Informal settlements were the rule, with no or limited investment in water and energy supply networks coming from the main actors already mentioned. This situation favoured a wide range of risks. They evolved in tune with urbanization pha-ses, with the accumulation regimes and the main political actors related. The paper sheds light on those dynamics and on the role official and late land-use planning plays. ; Esmeraldas es una ciudad a la vez vulnerable y estratégica para Ecuador. La estructura-ción de su territorio es el resultado de sucesivos regímenes de acumulación, de dinámi-cas económicas que se han centrado, históricamente en el boom bananero, desde los años 1970 en el petróleo, y más recientemente en el turismo. Las inversiones estructuran-tes conciernen el territorio de la ciudad de manera selectiva: bordes de los ríos, valle del Teaone, frente marítimo respectivamente. Son ejecutadas fuera de toda planificación ur-bana por actores del sector petrolero y del gobierno nacional, dificultando el control del territorio por parte de los actores locales. Tales regímenes de acumulación no asumen las inversiones necesarias para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo, lo que explica en gran medida la informalidad de una parte importante de la ciudad y la autoconstrucción de vivienda. Los riesgos resultantes se recomponen permanentemente, a lo largo del tiempo y ...

International audience ; Seen from Ecuador, Esmeraldas is a strategic city, yet a vulnerable one. The structure of its territory imbeds various regimes of accumulation, successively linked with the bana-na and the oil booms, and, more recently with tourism development. Each time, those booms framed different parts of the city: the Esmeraldas river embankments, the lower river Teaone valley, and the seafront – Balneario de Las Palmas. Each time, those evolu-tions escaped land-use planning, as well as control by the local actors. The main actors driving urban dynamics gathered foreign companies, the Ecuadorian state, the oil and energy-related sectors. Informal settlements were the rule, with no or limited investment in water and energy supply networks coming from the main actors already mentioned. This situation favoured a wide range of risks. They evolved in tune with urbanization pha-ses, with the accumulation regimes and the main political actors related. The paper sheds light on those dynamics and on the role official and late land-use planning plays. ; Esmeraldas es una ciudad a la vez vulnerable y estratégica para Ecuador. La estructura-ción de su territorio es el resultado de sucesivos regímenes de acumulación, de dinámi-cas económicas que se han centrado, históricamente en el boom bananero, desde los años 1970 en el petróleo, y más recientemente en el turismo. Las inversiones estructuran-tes conciernen el territorio de la ciudad de manera selectiva: bordes de los ríos, valle del Teaone, frente marítimo respectivamente. Son ejecutadas fuera de toda planificación ur-bana por actores del sector petrolero y del gobierno nacional, dificultando el control del territorio por parte de los actores locales. Tales regímenes de acumulación no asumen las inversiones necesarias para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo, lo que explica en gran medida la informalidad de una parte importante de la ciudad y la autoconstrucción de vivienda. Los riesgos resultantes se recomponen permanentemente, a lo largo del tiempo y ...

International audience ; Seen from Ecuador, Esmeraldas is a strategic city, yet a vulnerable one. The structure of its territory imbeds various regimes of accumulation, successively linked with the bana-na and the oil booms, and, more recently with tourism development. Each time, those booms framed different parts of the city: the Esmeraldas river embankments, the lower river Teaone valley, and the seafront – Balneario de Las Palmas. Each time, those evolu-tions escaped land-use planning, as well as control by the local actors. The main actors driving urban dynamics gathered foreign companies, the Ecuadorian state, the oil and energy-related sectors. Informal settlements were the rule, with no or limited investment in water and energy supply networks coming from the main actors already mentioned. This situation favoured a wide range of risks. They evolved in tune with urbanization pha-ses, with the accumulation regimes and the main political actors related. The paper sheds light on those dynamics and on the role official and late land-use planning plays. ; Esmeraldas es una ciudad a la vez vulnerable y estratégica para Ecuador. La estructura-ción de su territorio es el resultado de sucesivos regímenes de acumulación, de dinámi-cas económicas que se han centrado, históricamente en el boom bananero, desde los años 1970 en el petróleo, y más recientemente en el turismo. Las inversiones estructuran-tes conciernen el territorio de la ciudad de manera selectiva: bordes de los ríos, valle del Teaone, frente marítimo respectivamente. Son ejecutadas fuera de toda planificación ur-bana por actores del sector petrolero y del gobierno nacional, dificultando el control del territorio por parte de los actores locales. Tales regímenes de acumulación no asumen las inversiones necesarias para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo, lo que explica en gran medida la informalidad de una parte importante de la ciudad y la autoconstrucción de vivienda. Los riesgos resultantes se recomponen permanentemente, a lo largo del tiempo y ...

International audience ; Seen from Ecuador, Esmeraldas is a strategic city, yet a vulnerable one. The structure of its territory imbeds various regimes of accumulation, successively linked with the bana-na and the oil booms, and, more recently with tourism development. Each time, those booms framed different parts of the city: the Esmeraldas river embankments, the lower river Teaone valley, and the seafront – Balneario de Las Palmas. Each time, those evolu-tions escaped land-use planning, as well as control by the local actors. The main actors driving urban dynamics gathered foreign companies, the Ecuadorian state, the oil and energy-related sectors. Informal settlements were the rule, with no or limited investment in water and energy supply networks coming from the main actors already mentioned. This situation favoured a wide range of risks. They evolved in tune with urbanization pha-ses, with the accumulation regimes and the main political actors related. The paper sheds light on those dynamics and on the role official and late land-use planning plays. ; Esmeraldas es una ciudad a la vez vulnerable y estratégica para Ecuador. La estructura-ción de su territorio es el resultado de sucesivos regímenes de acumulación, de dinámi-cas económicas que se han centrado, históricamente en el boom bananero, desde los años 1970 en el petróleo, y más recientemente en el turismo. Las inversiones estructuran-tes conciernen el territorio de la ciudad de manera selectiva: bordes de los ríos, valle del Teaone, frente marítimo respectivamente. Son ejecutadas fuera de toda planificación ur-bana por actores del sector petrolero y del gobierno nacional, dificultando el control del territorio por parte de los actores locales. Tales regímenes de acumulación no asumen las inversiones necesarias para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo, lo que explica en gran medida la informalidad de una parte importante de la ciudad y la autoconstrucción de vivienda. Los riesgos resultantes se recomponen permanentemente, a lo largo del tiempo y ...

International audience ; Seen from Ecuador, Esmeraldas is a strategic city, yet a vulnerable one. The structure of its territory imbeds various regimes of accumulation, successively linked with the bana-na and the oil booms, and, more recently with tourism development. Each time, those booms framed different parts of the city: the Esmeraldas river embankments, the lower river Teaone valley, and the seafront – Balneario de Las Palmas. Each time, those evolu-tions escaped land-use planning, as well as control by the local actors. The main actors driving urban dynamics gathered foreign companies, the Ecuadorian state, the oil and energy-related sectors. Informal settlements were the rule, with no or limited investment in water and energy supply networks coming from the main actors already mentioned. This situation favoured a wide range of risks. They evolved in tune with urbanization pha-ses, with the accumulation regimes and the main political actors related. The paper sheds light on those dynamics and on the role official and late land-use planning plays. ; Esmeraldas es una ciudad a la vez vulnerable y estratégica para Ecuador. La estructura-ción de su territorio es el resultado de sucesivos regímenes de acumulación, de dinámi-cas económicas que se han centrado, históricamente en el boom bananero, desde los años 1970 en el petróleo, y más recientemente en el turismo. Las inversiones estructuran-tes conciernen el territorio de la ciudad de manera selectiva: bordes de los ríos, valle del Teaone, frente marítimo respectivamente. Son ejecutadas fuera de toda planificación ur-bana por actores del sector petrolero y del gobierno nacional, dificultando el control del territorio por parte de los actores locales. Tales regímenes de acumulación no asumen las inversiones necesarias para la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo, lo que explica en gran medida la informalidad de una parte importante de la ciudad y la autoconstrucción de vivienda. Los riesgos resultantes se recomponen permanentemente, a lo largo del tiempo y ...

AbstractThis paper explores the role of savings groups in resilience to urban climate-related disasters. Savings groups are a rapidly growing phenomenon in Africa. They are decentralized, non-institutional groups that provide millions of people excluded from the formal banking sector with a trusted, accessible, and relatively simple source of microfinance. Yet there is little work on the impacts of savings groups on resilience to disasters. In this paper, we use a combination of quantitative and qualitative evidence from Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) to shed new light on the role that savings groups play in helping households cope with climate-related shocks. Drawing on new data, we show that approximately one-quarter of households have at least one member in a group, and that these households recover from flood events faster than those who do not. We further argue that the structure of savings groups allows for considerable group oversight, reducing the high costs of monitoring and sanctioning that often undermine cooperative engagement in urban areas. This makes the savings group model a uniquely flexible form of financing that is well adapted to helping households cope with shocks such as repeated flooding. In addition to this, we posit that they may provide a foundation for community initiatives focusing on preventative action.

AbstractMarket vendors are often marginalized in urban spaces—they may be harassed, face threats to their workplace security, or lack opportunities to influence urban policy-making. Associations of market vendors have been identified as a potential means to represent vendors' interests, offering vendors possibilities to improve their working conditions. Fieldwork has been conducted in 2013, 2016, and 2018 to understand the struggles of market vendors and those of their associations in the Zambian city of Kitwe. The paper explores how both market vendors and their associations are positioned in a "gray space" between legality and illegality, unaware if their existence will be approved or sanctioned by the (local) government. The paper argues that the "gray space" in which many market vendors are positioned is a consequence of a lack of suitable alternative and more secure marketspaces. Associations are considered in relation to the political environment in which they operate and their future existence is particularly threatened by a regulation criminalizing them. Not only has this led to the abolishment of a well-known association, but it has also protected some associations whereas others are sidelined. Findings indicate that "gray spacing" and the accompanied changes in the associations jeopardize market vendors' efforts to organize more autonomously and have isolated their struggles from attempts to organize all informal economy workers under a Zambian umbrella association.

International audience ; Cet article montre d'abord comment, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, une coalition informelle rassemblant des promoteurs immobiliers et l'élite politique locale utilise des stratégies de l'ordre de la planification urbaine et du contrôle policier afin de faire des plages de la ville de Los Angeles un terrain de jeux réservé à la classe moyenne blanche. La première partie de l'article décrit les efforts des urbanistes, des ingénieurs et de l'élite politique et économique afin de mener à bien une campagne de modernisation du littoral qui entraîne notamment la destruction de lieux de loisirs jugés délabrés. Vastes, propres, et dotées d'équipements neufs, ces plages "modernes" doivent attirer touristes, résidents aisés et investisseurs. Ensuite, l'article met en évidence la manière dont la modernisation urbaine sert de justification pour mener des campagnes de harcèlement policier à l'égard des "indésirables", en particulier les homosexuels, nombreux alors à fréquenter des établissements de bains et bars de la côte, et les athlètes de "Muscle Beach", lieu d'entraînement et de performances sportives. La notion de "droit à la ville", telle que développée par Don Mitchell, est utilisée afin de montrer que cette tentative de "sauver" les plages du déclin a pour principale conséquence de restreindre le "droit à la plage" aux seuls baigneurs blancs de la classe moyenne.

International audience ; Cet article montre d'abord comment, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, une coalition informelle rassemblant des promoteurs immobiliers et l'élite politique locale utilise des stratégies de l'ordre de la planification urbaine et du contrôle policier afin de faire des plages de la ville de Los Angeles un terrain de jeux réservé à la classe moyenne blanche. La première partie de l'article décrit les efforts des urbanistes, des ingénieurs et de l'élite politique et économique afin de mener à bien une campagne de modernisation du littoral qui entraîne notamment la destruction de lieux de loisirs jugés délabrés. Vastes, propres, et dotées d'équipements neufs, ces plages "modernes" doivent attirer touristes, résidents aisés et investisseurs. Ensuite, l'article met en évidence la manière dont la modernisation urbaine sert de justification pour mener des campagnes de harcèlement policier à l'égard des "indésirables", en particulier les homosexuels, nombreux alors à fréquenter des établissements de bains et bars de la côte, et les athlètes de "Muscle Beach", lieu d'entraînement et de performances sportives. La notion de "droit à la ville", telle que développée par Don Mitchell, est utilisée afin de montrer que cette tentative de "sauver" les plages du déclin a pour principale conséquence de restreindre le "droit à la plage" aux seuls baigneurs blancs de la classe moyenne.

International audience ; Cet article montre d'abord comment, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, une coalition informelle rassemblant des promoteurs immobiliers et l'élite politique locale utilise des stratégies de l'ordre de la planification urbaine et du contrôle policier afin de faire des plages de la ville de Los Angeles un terrain de jeux réservé à la classe moyenne blanche. La première partie de l'article décrit les efforts des urbanistes, des ingénieurs et de l'élite politique et économique afin de mener à bien une campagne de modernisation du littoral qui entraîne notamment la destruction de lieux de loisirs jugés délabrés. Vastes, propres, et dotées d'équipements neufs, ces plages "modernes" doivent attirer touristes, résidents aisés et investisseurs. Ensuite, l'article met en évidence la manière dont la modernisation urbaine sert de justification pour mener des campagnes de harcèlement policier à l'égard des "indésirables", en particulier les homosexuels, nombreux alors à fréquenter des établissements de bains et bars de la côte, et les athlètes de "Muscle Beach", lieu d'entraînement et de performances sportives. La notion de "droit à la ville", telle que développée par Don Mitchell, est utilisée afin de montrer que cette tentative de "sauver" les plages du déclin a pour principale conséquence de restreindre le "droit à la plage" aux seuls baigneurs blancs de la classe moyenne.

Individuals being audited potentially learn how to exploit the weaknesses inherent in any audit methodology if they face the same method many times. Hence, an auditor better deters fraud by randomizing her choice of methodology over time, thereby frustrating a would‐be fraudster's ability to learn. In the extreme, an auditor benefits from refusing to audit, even though audits are costless to her.

13 p. ; La actividad ladrillera en la región periurbana de Villa María y Villa Nueva se desarrolla hace más de dos décadas y las problemáticas asociadas cuentan con diferentes dimensiones que deben ser abordadas de forma interdisciplinaria. El identificar las dinámicas relacionadas a la actividad ladrillera, las políticas públicas que influyeron en las transformaciones y el diagnosticar la situación sanitaria en contexto ambiental, son la base para comprender parte de la complejidad del sistema que se manifiesta en el territorio. Las políticas y planes habitacionales de escala nacional y provincial han resultado ser un motor importante para la actividad en los últimos años, y generaron en pequeñas localidades, un aumento notable en el sector de la construcción y expansión de la superficie urbanizada. La investigación relevó el estado de situación y antecedentes de la actividad en el periurbano con el fin de visibilizar las dinámicas. La interacción con actores claves y aspectos ambientales denotaron la falta de información que aborden la actividad y sus dinámicas tanto ambientales como socioterritoriales. Asimismo, se identificó el desplazamiento desde las cercanías de las ciudades hacia los márgenes externos. Además, un inadecuado abordaje normativo por la complejidad de las particularidades sociales y habitacionales. The brick activity in the peri-urban region of Villa María and Villa Nueva has been developed for more than two decades and the problems caused by it have different dimensions that must be addressed in an interdisciplinary way. The identification of the dynamics related to the brick activity, the public policies that influenced the transformations and the diagnosis of the health situation in the environmental context, are the basis for understanding part of the complexity of the actual situation that manifests itself in the territory. The national and provincial housing policies and plans have promoted the activity in the last years, and they generating in small localities, a remarkable increase in the construction field and expansion of the urbanized surface. The investigation revealed the stage of the situation and its background related to the activity in peri urban in order to understand the dynamics. The interaction with key actors and environmental aspects denoted the lack of information that addresses the activity and its environmental and socio-territorial dynamics. Also, the displacement from the outskirts of the cities towards the external margins was identified. In addition, an inadequate normative approach due to the complexity of social and housing particularities.

Le pratiche autonome di (ri)appropriazione e riconversione temporanea a fini "pubblici" di aree in disuso hanno fatto emergere nelle principali città europee (e non solo) e in maniera significativa in alcune tra le più importanti città italiane, esperienze di partecipazione interessanti dal punto di vista della sperimentazione di pratiche capaci di proporre politiche pubbliche dal basso e di costruire strategie alternative di "produzione dello spazio" (Lefebvre, 1991). Per poter costruire queste "utopie concrete" è come se i poveri, gli sfruttati, "coloro che non ci stanno", ricorrendo a forme di disobbedienza radicale, definissero uno "stato d'eccezione proclamato dal basso" (Virno, 2012), in cui mettere liberamente in scena una rete di soluzioni locali trovate a dei problemi globali. ; The autonomous practices of temporary (re)appropriation and reconversion of "urban voids" for public purposes have revealed, in major European cities (and not only) and significantly in some of the most important Italian cities, interesting experiences of participation by point of view of the experimentation of practices capable to propose public policies from below and to construct alternative strategies for the "production of space" (Lefebvre, 1991). In order to build these "concrete utopias" it is as if the poor, the exploited, the "have not", resorting to radical forms of disobedience, were establishing a "state of exception proclaimed from below" (Virno, 2012), in which make freely staged a network of local solutions to global problems found.

BackgroundMalaria intervention in Ethiopia has been strengthened significantly in the past decade. The Ethiopian government recently stratified the country based upon annual parasite incidence into malaria free, low, moderate and high transmission strata. Districts with low transmission were targeted for indigenous transmission elimination. Surveillance on malaria disease incidence is needed for planning control and elimination efforts.MethodsClinical malaria was monitored prospectively in health facilities in Jimma town, Oromia Region, southwestern Ethiopia from July 2014 to June 2015. Seasonal cross-sectional parasite prevalence surveys in local communities were conducted in 2014 and 2015 in eight kebeles. Case report forms were administered to obtain sociodemographic and epidemiological information from patients.ResultsA total of 1434 suspected malaria cases were examined from the health facilities and 428 confirmed malaria cases were found. Among them, 327 (76.4 %) cases were Plasmodium vivax, 97 (22.7 %) were Plasmodium falciparum, and 4 (0.9 %) were mixed infection of P. vivax and P. falciparum. The annual malaria incidence rate was 1.7 cases per 1000 people at risk. Parasite prevalence in the community was less than 3 %. Household ownership of insecticide-treated nets (ITNs) was 47.3 % (1173/2479) and ITN usage was 37.9 %. All ITNs were long-lasting insecticidal nets, and repellent use was not found in the study area. Being male and traveling were the significant risk factors for P. falciparum malaria. For P. vivax malaria, risk factors included occupation and history of malaria illness during the preceding 30 days.ConclusionEpidemiological evidence suggested low clinical malaria incidence and prevalence in Jimma town. More aggressive measures may be needed to further suppress vivax transmission. Strategies should be planned targeting sustained control and elimination.

Les smart cities sont construites en immergeant la technologie dans la nature sans l'endommager, mais en l'imitant dans un but social. Les villes sont confrontées à des processus de transformation mal compris, qui nécessitent de nouvelles stratégies pour faire face aux problèmes structurels, sociaux, politiques et technologiques, qui sont étroitement liés à la dimension éthique. C'est ici que le contexte trace de fines lignes à partir desquelles les premiers coups de pinceau d'un Smart Governemnt formé par une société qui sait comment reconstruire et concevoir son propre environnement durable, utilise l'approche itérative, qui est supérieure à l'approche linéaire, l'itération permet des mutations technologiques pendant le processus rendant l'architecture du paysage plus robuste, flexible et agile car des erreurs ou défauts éventuels peuvent être détectés et corrigés dans chaque itération et ainsi nous pouvons observer la construction dans son intégralité. L'itération donne vie à tout ce qui est projeté et augmente sa qualité. Pour fabriquer la smart city, nous recréons les fonctions itératives de la nature, à partir d'une première estimation immersive de la réalité que vous souhaitez construire.