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A fresh and fascinating look at the philosophies, politics, and intellectual legacy of one of the twentieth century's most influential and controversial minds Occupying a pivotal position in postwar thought, Noam Chomsky is both the founder of modern linguistics and the world's most prominent political dissident. Chris Knight adopts an anthropologist's perspective on the twin output of this intellectual giant, acclaimed as much for his denunciations of US foreign policy as for his theories about language and mind. Knight explores the social and institutional context of Chomsky's thinking, showing how the tension between military funding and his role as linchpin of the political left pressured him to establish a disconnect between science on the one hand and politics on the other, deepening a split between mind and body characteristic of Western philosophy since the Enlightenment. Provocative, fearless, and engaging, this remarkable study explains the enigma of one of the greatest intellectuals of our time.

AbstractIt is difficult, arguably, for modern leftist thinkers to sympathize with Confucian values that seem best suited to old, boring and deadly serious defenders of conservative traditions. But this stereotypical image may be mistaken. Drawing on his own experience, the author argues that Confucians can and should have a sense of humour and engage in social and political criticism. He also questions the idea that Confucians need to be elderly gentlemen. The article ends with some reflections on Chineseness and Confucianism.

In vielen Post-Konflikt-Gesellschaften weltweit beteiligen sich ehemalige Rebellengruppen als politische Parteien an Wahlen. Die Studie behandelt die Gründung und den Erfolg solcher "Rebellenparteien" in Afrika und geht der Frage nach, inwiefern institutionelle Strukturen diese Prozesse beeinflussen. Der entwickelte Forschungsansatz ermöglicht zunächst eine systematische Erfassung aller afrikanischen Fälle seit 1989, um dann komplexe Kausalbeziehungen mit einer qualitativ vergleichenden Analyse mit Fuzzy-Sets (fsQCA) aufzudecken. Die Ergebnisse zeigen u.a., dass Institutionen wie Friedensabkommen Opportunitätsstrukturen für Rebellenparteien prägen und zu Pfadabhängigkeiten führen und dass demokratischere Wahlen die Etablierung solcher Parteien eher verhindern.

In a dramatic few years, South Africa shifted from being trapped in an apparently intractable conflict between a dominant white minority and an oppressed black majority to being a democratic state with an outstanding progressive liberal constitution. It moved from being the epitome of racial conflict to a model of peaceful transition. And yet, twenty years later, the cracks in the settlement are all too clear and the risks of internal conflict are growing. The transition is truncated. ; The paper was prepared under the umbrella of the DFID-funded and University of Manchester-led global comparative Effective States and Inclusive Development (ESID) research program – South Africa is one of the countries targeted for comparative ESID research -- as an analytical platform for more in-depth, targeted research. The ESID program has provided funding for in-depth research on the politics and governance of basic education in South Africa, and for research on business-state relations in South Africa (both part of a broader multi-country comparative study); and for some initial case studies on the politics and governance of infrastructural state-owned enterprises. We thank Anthony Black, Dave Kaplan and Nicoli Nattrass for their helpful comments.

Wales is one of the principal cases in Europe where the stateless nation enjoys relatively high levels of identification relative to the state, and is a key focus for addressing identity politics in the UK following devolution in 1997-1999. However, the development and political consequences of Welshness and Britishness are currently relatively neglected in the research literature. This article explores these issues in relation to post-devolution Wales. Part one examines survey evidence on national identities, governmental reference to identity in policy development, and public attitudes to constitutional reform. Part two examines the approaches of the political parties, as key agents of identity politics, to Welshness and Britishness in their political strategies. Overall, the paper argues that since 1999 civic Welshness has become predominant in public discourse and support for further devolution has grown. The political parties have all converged on the politics of a civic Welshness in their political strategies. At the same time the underlying extent of identification with Welshness and Britishness since devolution has in fact changed little and the increased assertion of Welshness has not led to a rise in support for independence. Devolution appears to have both enhanced Welsh identity loyalties as a framework for political life and sustained a stable basis for Wales within the UK. Adapted from the source document.

Urban regime theory has shaped the urban politics research agenda in the United States for the past two decades. The article argues that urban regime theory draws on public and corporate behavior and strategies that were typical to the industrial era in the United States. As a result, the theory is insensitive to changes in institutional hierarchies, economic globalization, and the emergence of new types of actors and issues in urban politics. Urban governance theory conceptualizes agency more generically that allows the theory to travel better than urban regime theory in time and space.