Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Preface -- Contents -- Figures and Tables -- Summary -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- CHAPTER ONE: The Role of International Order in U.S. Strategy -- Risks to the Current Order -- Roadmap and Methodology -- CHAPTER TWO: Defining the International Order -- The Post-World War II, Rules-Based Liberal Order -- The Order's Purposes and Its Effects -- Conclusion and Policy Implications -- CHAPTER THREE: Engines of International Order -- Rational Pursuit of Common Interests -- Interests of a Hegemonic Power -- Domestic Politics -- Socialization and Constructed Identities -- Systemic Effects -- Conclusion and Policy Implications -- CHAPTER FOUR: U.S. Approach to the International Order -- U.S. Visions of the International Order -- The International Order in U.S. National Security Strategy Documents -- U.S. Interests and Approaches to the International Order -- Conclusion and Policy Implications -- CHAPTER FIVE: Implications for a Research Agenda -- References

"In Lissabon wurde am 4. Juli 2007, gleich zu Begin der portugiesischen EU-Ratspräsidentschaft, eine umfassende strategische Partnerschaft zwischen der EU und Brasilien vereinbart. Der südamerikanischen Führungsmacht wird damit ein vergleichbarer Status wie China, Indien und Russland eingeräumt. Eine Woche zuvor hatte der venezolanische Präsident Hugo Chávez Russland, Weißrussland und den Iran bereist, um die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen auszubauen sowie erneut Waffenkäufe zu tätigen. Gleichzeitig drohte Chávez, das südamerikanische Integrationsbündnis Mercosur wieder zu verlassen, dem er gerade beigetreten war; während er gleichzeitig für sein eigenes Integrationsprojekt Alternativa Bolivariana para las Americas (ALBA) warb. Während Lateinamerika in der politischen Publizistik teilweise als Verlierer der Globalisierung abgeschrieben wird, gibt es Anzeichen für eine Neuverortung und einen größeren Einfluss Lateinamerikas - oder einzelner Staaten der Region - in der internationalen Politik. Zugleich ist es innerhalb Lateinamerikas zu Machtverschiebungen und neuen politischen Allianzen gekommen. Dabei spielt die Verfügung über Energierohstoffe als Machtressource eine wichtige Rolle. Es ist heute schwieriger geworden, festzustellen, wer verbindlich für Lateinamerika spricht und wer die geeigneten Ansprechpartner für externe Akteure sind. In Lateinamerika zeichnen sich die Konturen einer zukünftigen multipolaren Weltordnung ab. Lateinamerika ist politisch und ökonomisch stärker fragmentiert und gespalten als noch zu Beginn der Dekade. Zugleich hat Lateinamerika an Handlungsspielraum in der internationalen Politik gewonnen. Die internationalen Finanzinstitutionen wie die Weltbank und der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF), aber auch die USA und die EU haben in den vergangen Jahren an Einfluss in Lateinamerika verloren, demgegenüber haben aufstrebende oder wieder aufstrebende Mächte wie China oder Russland an Einfluss gewonnen. Die EU reagiert nun - wenn auch mit Verzögerungen - auf die Veränderungen Lateinamerika." (Autorenreferat)

In anthropology, the concept of cultural intimacy expresses those aspects of a cultural identity that are considered a source of international criticism for the state, but are nevertheless used to provide insiders with a sense of national comfort, understanding, and self-reflexive, ontological security. Cultural intimacy helps illuminate how states present themselves internationally and how they understand themselves domestically. It can also explain the seeming discrepancies and contradictions between a state's domestic and international identities. Cultural intimacy, in other words, explains the mutual reproduction of different levels of identity. Using the concept of cultural intimacy as a departure point, this article develops a framework for understanding incongruities in the domestic and international facades of state identity. We argue that there is a structural component to the level of discomfort caused by negative international appraisals of a given state. Structural position determines whether the domestic sources of cultural intimacy will cause shame, embarrassment, or guilt, and therefore also indicate how that negative international image will be handled by the state. The theoretical argument is illustrated with reference to the cases of Serbia, Croatia, and the Netherlands, and their distinctive responses to the Balkan conflict of the 1990s. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd. & ECPR-European Consortium for Political Research.]

Presents a debate on political bias among social scientists, particularly as it affects the teaching of undergraduates. Following a general overview of the problem by Robert A. Denemark on behalf of the editors of this journal, David N. Gibbs offers Social Science as Propaganda? International Relations and the Question of Political Bias, in which he criticizes the continuing political bias in mainstream US scholarship for its endorsement (both subtle & overt) of the dominant political ideology & norms. As illustration, the example is offered of how scholars have depicted covert operations practiced by the US military & intelligence services & agencies in Iran, Nicaragua, Zimbabwe, & Cuba. In Farewell to "Old Thinking": A Reply to Gibbs, Robert S. Snyder responds to Gibbs's criticisms of his article, "The U.S. and Third World Revolutionary States: Understanding the Breakdown in Relations" (1999). Gibbs's charges of bias in international relations studies, particularly those of US foreign policy, are challenged as overly dogmatic, radical, & structuralist. 85 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

"Now in its third edition, Cold War provides an accessible and comprehensive account of the decades-long conflict between two nuclear-armed Superpowers during the twentieth century. This book offers a broader timeline than any other Cold War text, charting the lead-up to the conflict from the Russian Revolution to World War II, providing an authoritative narrative and analysis of the period between 1945 and 1991, and scrutinizing the thirty-year aftermath, including the prospect of a "new Cold War." In this new edition, Carole K. Fink provides new insights and perspectives on key events, with an emphasis on people, power, and ideas. The third edition covers developments in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America as well as in Europe. It also includes: Ten new maps that illustrate the global reach of the long conflict An extended chronology to show recent related events Discussion of the 2016 US election, subsequent Trump-Putin relationship, continuing Middle East turmoil, and new role of China in world politics. An updated bibliography to reflect recent scholarship in the area Cold War is the consummate book on this complex global rivalry and will be of interest to students of contemporary US and international history and history enthusiasts alike"--